Geniza Lab

Petition of a widow whose only remaining son had been killed by the Ghuzz (Seljuks), while her four other grown-up sons had died as well, and herself being unable to work. She appeals to the Jewish community for appropriate clothing for the holidays. The letter is written calligraphically by Hillel b. Eli (1066-1108). (Information from Mediterranean Society, II, p. 501; III, pp. 238-239)

Fragment of a letter from Daniel b. ʿAzarya to ʿEli b. Amram, in Fustat. Daniel is expressing his support of ʿEli b. ʿAmram against people who disagree with him. Also words of condolences for a person who passed away. On verso there is Hebrew literary text. (Information from Gil, Palestine, vol. 2 pp. 683–84, #369). VMR

Fragment of a letter from Avraham the son of the Gaon probably to Efrayim b. Shemarya, in Fustat. (Identifications by Gil; Goitein understands this to be part of the same document as T-S NS 320.42 and says that both are written in the "unmistakable hand" of the Gaon Shelomo b. Yehuda.) Dating: before 1035 CE (per Gil). The first few lines preserved here are written in Arabic script, and the end of the letter is in Hebrew. NB: When Goitein refers to "T-S NS 320.16," he generally means the manuscript that currently has the shelfmark T-S NS 320.42.

Recto: Letter from communal leaders, in Alexandria, to the judge Shemuel, in Fustat. In Judaeo-Arabic. Dating: Unclear; likely early 13th century, based on handwriting and Goitein's identification of the judge Shemuel as the same one mentioned in T-S 10J16.6. Regarding a woman in Alexandria with a sick daughter, whose husband had fled his creditor and gone to the capital. The letter says that she had been deserted for a long time, that she had to maintain herself and her little girl, to pay rent, and on top of this, was sued in court by the creditor of her husband. The writers of the letter ask in the politest terms that Shemuel approach the Nagid for action in this matter. Verso: Letter from the judge Shemuel to the Nagid. The writer reports that he had sent several summons to the runaway husband, but since both the High Holidays (approx. September) and Hanukka (approx. December) had passed without response from him, sterner measures were now required, and, to the judge's dismay, the Nagid had to be troubled. The matter was of utmost seriousness since the Alexandrian wife asserted that her husband had married another woman and was living with her in Cairo. Clearly, the police now had to be instructed to bring the man to court by force. But only the Nagid, as official representative of the state, was authorized to give that order. (Information from Goitein, Med Soc, III, pp. 203–04 and Friedman, Jewish Polygyny, pp. 213–16.) ASE.

Receipt on behalf of the elders of Jerusalem. (Information from Goitein's index cards)

List of names of poor persons, without numbers. (Information from Mediterranean Society, II, p. 456)

Right upper corner of lucidly written list of contributors, the first thirteen each donating 2 dirhams. All names appear in abbreviated form. (Information from Mediterranean Society, II, p. 491)

Survey of households, recipients of alms. Written on a leaf, 8 by 6 inches, folded so as to form four pages, each originally containing data about 33-34 families, a total of about 135, of which about 110 are preserved, many defective. The list is important inasmuch as it mentions the number of persons in each household. It was no doubt prepared in order to form the basis for weekly distribution of bread to the needy and to community officials. The names of the assistant judge Jephthah, the beadle Tahir, and the cantor Abu Sahl put the list at the beginning of the thirteenth century, preferably after T-S NS J.98, where Tahir receives 14 loaves, indicating that he still had a large household, whereas here only one child lives with him, and a son of his is listed as a separate family. The average size of a family of relief recipients is 2.4. For a realistic appreciation of this breakdown one should keep in mind that most of the persons listed must have been elderly people who either no longer had a family or whose older children (from the age of ten) were seeking their livelihood out of their homes. (Information from Mediterranean Society, II, p. 460, App. B 74 [dated 1200-1240])

Petition submitted to the Fatimid caliph al-Mustanṣir upon his accession in 1036 CE. Requesting that he confirm the appointment of Yosef ha-Kohen, a judge of Alexandria. Goitein writes that the script and style are identical with Halper 354. (Information from Gil, Goitein, and Rustow, Heresy, p. 94 n. 58.) Alternate possibility (from DIMME database): Arabic-script draft of a testimony to be submitted to the government, written by Efrayim b. Shemarya in 1016 CE. On verso there is a legal deed in the hand of Efrayim b. Shemarya in which two partners release Yeshuʿa b. Seʿadel from all claims.

Accounts in Judaeo-Arabic. Revenue from rent. Dated: Dhū l-Qaʿda [644 AH] = Nisan 1558 Seleucid, which is March/April 1247 CE. Small fragment, recording payments for one month, and containing the names of 13 tenants. (Information in part from Gil, Documents, doc. #141, pp.470f.)

Letter from ʿEli b. Yeḥezqel ha-Kohen, in Jerusalem, to Efrayim b. Shemarya, in Fustat. In Judaeo-Arabic, with the address in Arabic script. Dating: ca. 1050 CE. The letter consists entirely of good wishes for the holidays.

Fragment of a list of contributors, in which at least 12 of the 23 names preserved recur. (Information from Mediterranean Society, II, p. 471)

Fragment of a list of donors similar to App. C 1, T-S Misc.36.137 (formerly T-S Loan 137) in the same hand and arrangement, in which at least 12 of the 23 names preserved recur. Most of the few sums extant are exactly or nearly identical with those listed there. The average of the sums contributed in silver in the 2 lists has about half the value of those given in gold. (First half of 11th century) (Information from Mediterranean Society, II, p. 471, App. C 2)

Letter of petition from a man to a potential benefactor: 'I hereby inform you that I have been in good health, "concealed" among the people (mastūr bayn al-nās). Then when my hand became paralyzed (infalajat), I was left without a means of making a livin[g].' When capitation tax payment came he had to go into hiding in his house, and so he asks for assistance." Cohen, Poverty and Charity, 42-43. See also Goitein's note card. The writer has been hiding in the house for 55 days. Only Abu l-Fakhr the son of the judge and Ibn [...] al-Amshati have come to his aid, each one giving him 5 dirhems. He bribed the capitation tax collectors with 5 dirhems and already spent the other 5. He needs food. ASE.

Letter in Judaeo-Arabic, with some Hebrew. Dating: Probably not long after 1470 CE, and certainly no later than 1570 CE; in the course of reprimanding the addressee(s) for stirring up baseless hatred and communal strife, the sender notes that the first temple lay in ruins for only 70 years on account of idol worship, fornication, and murder, while the second temple has lain in ruins for "1,400 years and change" on account of baseless hatred (sinʾat ḥinam). Mentions Yaʿaqov ha-Turgeman ha-Soḥer.

List in the hand of the scribe of App. B 25, part 2, and App. B 33, part 1. Distribution of 23 jukhaniyyas to thirteen women, seven men, and three persons defined as 'acquaintance of' or 'the house of.' The names of three (e.g., the laborer employed by the beadle and parnas Salim) are crossed out and nine bear the sign resembling an Arabic final m (probably tasallam 'received') as in App. B 25 and 33, with which our fragment might once have formed one document. (Information from Mediterranean Society, II, p. 456, App. B 64 [dated 1100-1150])

Letter from Shelomo b. Yehuda to the community of Fustat. Dating: ca. 1025 CE. On verso there is a fable about a king and a woman in Arabic script.

Recto: Letter from Hayya Gaʾon to Neḥemya b. Avraham, in Fustat. Dated: Nisan 1348 Seleucid, which is April 1037 CE. Neḥemya had had a fight with members of his community and he took an oath not to slaughter an animal or pray. He then changed his mind and asked Hayya Gaon to annul his vow. This letter is the Gaon’s response, annulling of the vow. The letter closes with Hayya's motto "yeshaʿ rav" (ישע רב) and the date. Verso: Two distinct text blocks in Arabic script. (1) The names of the months of the Coptic calendar. (2) Accounts, recording credits and debits and mentioning a paternal aunt and her son. Gil understands these as the private accounts of one of Nehemya’s sons, mentioning the name of two sons, Yoshiyyahu and Avraham. List of monthly rental payments, for one third of Sahlān’s house that was probably inherited to the writer. (Information from CUDL and Gil, Kingdom, Vol. 2, #40, and E. Bareket, Shafrir misrayim, pp. 167, 169, 174.) VMR

Pastoral letter with widely-spaced lines, from a Nasi, possibly David b. Daniel. Announcing that Meʾir ha-Sar and Yiṣḥaq ha-Dayyan will appoint all ritual slaughterers (טבחים) and guards in the community addressed and look after their religious needs. "Elsewhere in the same letter the writer announces another of the prerogatives he plans to exercise over the community and, at the same time, justifies his authority: 'We shall select ten elders out of your notables and strengthen their arms so that they may lead the people, as it is incumbent on us to appoint elders, judges, and magistrates. This is our inheritance and that of our forefather King Jehosaphat, as it is written in Scripture: 'And he set judges in the land throughout all the fortified cities of Judah' (II Chronicles 19:5)." Cohen, Jewish Self-Government, 208–09. On the other side, there is an astronomical piyyuṭ. In the bottom and left margins, there is a "narrative of the dreadful calamities that occurred in Lucena (אליסאנה), may God protect it." (Information in part from Goitein's index card.)

Letter addressed to the Jewish community (probably Fustat) about an evildoer named ben Qayyuma and the troublesome things he did and said, and how the Nagid intervened with the government to put a stop to this. The story reminds the attempt of Sar Shalom Halevi to 'correct' inappropriate customs. he was also called 'The evil one', had a Messianic ambitions (e.g the name Qayyuma- a Messianic name) and the sultan tried to put an end to this. AA