Geniza Lab

Late letter in Hebrew from Natan Hefez to Aharon Beirav. Further information available on FGP in Avraham David's transcription and notes.

List of donations (?) for the end of Adar of the year of "ezreinu" (perhaps 70+7+200+50+6 = [5]333 = 1573 CE. But everything else in the folder is much later, so this is likely incorrect). Names listed include Shelomo b. Ḥabīb, Avraham Mador (?), Moshe Kātib, Moshe Perdonil (?) and his brother, Seʿadyah, Yosef b. [...], Yehudah b. Yosef al-Ashqar, Yaʿaqov b. Hīnī, Ḥayyim b. Hīnī, Yehudah Bahlūl (?), Yosef Muḥibb, the brother of Moshe, Shelomo Faranji, Ḥabīb Naftali, Ḥayyim Mador, Shemuel Ghazzāwī, Yiṣḥaq Ahumado (?), Yiṣḥaq al-Ashqar, Yiṣḥaq al-Ashqar Junior, Yaʿaqov Levi, Avraham Darʿī, Avraham al-Ashqar, Yiṣḥaq Talmid, Abū Yaʿqūb, Manṣūr (?) Kohen, ʿAlī b. Hīnī, Emanuel, Shabbetay, the flax worker, and Yehudah al-Ashqar.

List of payments, 16th century.

Legal document. In Hebrew. Location: Fustat. Dated: 2 Heshvan 5320 AM, which is 1560 CE. Regarding the will of the late Avraham Castro. Stating that the entire inheritance will be divided evenly between Avraham's sons Moshe Castro and Yaʿaqov Castro. However, Moshe will not receive anything for two years, and in the meantime, Yaʿaqov will be free to do business with the money. During this period, Yaʿaqov will also have to pay for the maintenance and the wedding of Moshe, "the same amount he spends on himself" plus an additional 10 Venetian ducats (peraḥim) each year. Scribed and signed by Eliyya b. David חברייה. Signed also by Makhlūf b. Avraham עקאב.

Letter from Yosef Qolon b. Pereẓ, in Jerusalem, to Nissim Bibas, in Fustat. In Hebrew. Dating: First quarter of the 16th century, almost certainly 1511 CE per Avraham David. The addressee was a judge in the court of the Nagid. The writer wants the addressee to intercede with the Nagid on his behalf and secure a two-fold raise in his haspaqa (stipend for Torah study). Shemuel al-Salāḥ and Shemuel Ḥalafta have recently received a raise of 2 ducados per month, and they, unlike the writer, have no wife or children to support. If someone were to object that the writer has other sources of income (he seems to admit to some income from the winepress and the threshing floor), he swears that he has no money coming to him except the 37 ducados owed to him by Avraham b. Shānjī, who has no intention of repaying them soon. The Nagid is currently sending him only 24 ducados a year, when even 50 ducados a year would barely be enough. If it weren't for a prudent two-month business or fund-raising trip to Damascus, the writer would have had to sell all his books to defray his debts. He swears that he is selling the clothes off his back to purchase Gemarot, for his son, thank God, is currently studying Taʿanit and already studied Berakhot under the tutelage of R. Moshe the Blind. If the Nagid doesn't agree promptly, the writer will have no choice but to come to Egypt in person to present his case, and then, Yosef writes with some chutzpah, the Nagid would have to pay his travel expenses. David al-Miẓrī confirms that he received the טרחה (?) sent him by the addressee. The letter concludes with a recommendation for the bearer, Yom Tov, who was a student in the yeshiva of R. Shemuel Masʿūd. The writer's sons Pereẓ and Netanel kiss the hands of the Nagid. There are some curious doodles on verso. Information from Avraham David's edition. ASE.

Late letter that begins in Hebrew and transitions into Judaeo-Arabic from an unidentified merchant to Yosef Muḥibb. He writes that he traveled this year to Tripoli (Libya?) to look for a Jew who took 100 peraḥim from him and fled to Venice. He was not successful. He has purchased garments and sent them with Saadya Kohen and Yaʿaqov b. Hīnī (also mentioned in ENA NS 50.25) to try to sell. Recto is damaged, but deals almost entirely with business matters. He mentions R. Yosef Nahon (?) who died after a year of being bedridden and consuming half of his wealth. In his will, he left 200 peraḥim for the study of Torah and for the visiting of the ill and for the poor. The writer also mentions the addressee's brother Khubayr, his own nephew Yosef, and Shelomo Abulafia. The addressee's sister Maḥbūba sends her regards and urges him to take care of their other sister and find a husband for her. On verso he returns to business matters and requests a Cypriot commodity (קוברסי/קוברסיין) and orders tin (קזדיר) from a place called גמאע אלטיילון. He mentions Yaʿaqov Bū Saʿda and David al-Ashqar. ASE.

Letter from Yosef b. Ezra to Yiṣḥaq Ashkenazi (not necessarily Luria, as more than one Yiṣḥaq Ashkenazi was active in trade at this time). In Hebrew. Dating: 16th century, based on Avraham David's assessment. The contents of the letter are quite difficult and merit further examination; there are a handful of words that do not appear to be Hebrew or Arabic and many place names, some obscure. The writer's father-in-law Avraham Sūsī arrived with the two documents (ma'marim) from the addressee, but these documents are useless. The first because it is for the Amir ʿĪsā, with whom relations are not good. The second is an order involving Rashid (the city?) and the slave trade but is missing some key feature. He then gives detailed instructions regarding documents to be sent to him, chiefly involving the trade in slaves "from the West" (1–11, 15–26). In particular, he writes that in Buḥayra, slaves from ״חריב״ are brought only once a year, in Elul, whereas slaves from the West, i.e., Awjila in Libya (אוגֿלה) arrive every month. During the year and 9 months that the writer lived in Buḥayra, not 30 or 40 days passed without Bedouin caravans arriving to trade slaves from the West for horses. In the remainder of the letter, the writer mentions various European currencies including peraḥim and coronas. In the margin he mentions trade in raisins (margin, 1, 6) and sulfur (margin, 5). Information largely from Avraham David, FGP. This document was also edited by Simha Assaf (see FGP for bibliography).

Letter from Eliezer Zussman, in Jerusalem, to his son Avigdor. In Hebrew. It has an unusual form for a letter: there are no greetings and it ends "ne'um Eliezer known as Zussman"—he seems to have written this page mainly in order to document what happened. Dating: probably not very long after 14 January 1546, the date of the earthquake. "Contemporary Hebrew documents provide an additional, independent source of information about the earthquake. From a Hebrew manuscript notice written by Eliezer Sussman ben Rabbi Abraham Carit [or Tsarit?], who arrived in Jerusalem in [November] 1545 two months before the earthquake, we learn that 'In the month of Shvat the Almighty has shown us signs and wonders that none of our forefathers ever witnessed, and on the 11th of that month, on Thursday, about one in the afternoon. . . (because) of the quake many towers fell down, almost the third of their height, and the tower of "A.A." was one of them. About ten gentiles were killed in Jerusalem but none of the Jews, and in the town of Nablus the earthquake was so strong that at least three hundred gentiles, and three or four Jews were killed. There were also further shocks after that, but not so strong, and to this day we are in constant fear of an earthquake all day and night. . . (Braslavski, 1938).' The 11th of Shvat corresponds to 14 January 1546, which was a Thursday. Klein (1939) suggests that the acronym "A.A." stands for "Avraham Avinu", i.e. our Father Abraham, and refers to the tower over Abraham's Tomb in Hebron. This locality is mentioned in Mujir al-Din's sequel as Al-Khalil, the Arabic name used for Hebron because of Abraham's, the Friend of Allah, sanctuary. The disagreement as to when the copy of this document was made and by whom (Braslavski, 1938; Turnianski, 1984), does not detract from the authenticity of its contents. Sussman died about 20 years after the earthquake [see T-S 13J4.19], and the phrasing suggests that he wrote the note shortly after the event." Ambraseys and Karcz, "The Earthquake of 1546 in the Holy Land," Terra Nova 4 (1992), no. 2, 254–63. There are various notes and calculations added in Italian in 1917 on this fragment and the others in the folder.

Qaṣīda, ending, by ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAlī b. Ṣāliḥ al-Makkūdī (d.1405 CE), with a colophon giving the date 11 Rajab 989H (1581 CE). Verso contains many lines of Arabic text (90 degrees to recto, so probably not the same work), almost completely blotted out with ink. Much of it may still be legible though.

List dated 1593 CE (referring to Elul 5353 and the beginning of 5354), headed "the remainder of the houses of the qodesh of the Musta'rib congregation. It then gives street names and lists of people, perhaps the tenants of the qodesh. Some of them have notes about rent payments as well--how much has been paid, how much remains to be paid. The list may be useful for cross-referencing people and locations from other 16th-century documents.

Letter in Hebrew (peppered with Arabic, Turkish, and Italian), addressed to two unnamed merchants (one the uncle of the writer), written almost certainly in Alexandria in the mid-16th-century. The writer reports on the violent reception of European ships in the port of Alexandria, acts taken in retaliation for the commandeering of an Egyptian merchant ship in Messina (Sicily). "This very morning the Cavus Bashi arrived and boarded the Venetian galleon that arrived from Crete ("Candia"). He took the sailors prisoner with their captain, and is now bringing them to Fustat/Cairo with 30 janissaries from the tower [their barracks in Alexandria?]. If Andrea di Orio had come with his ships, or Cicala the privateer (ha-sholel) with his ship, they would not have treated them thus." The Alexandrian authorities apparently cut the anchors of multiple other European ships and damaged the docks (? האסקאלה = escala, from Italian), causing frenzy and terror among the capains (patrones) to be separated from their ships which are now loose at sea. The writer insists that a Venetian ship coming from Crete and carrying the flag ("banderia") of San Marcos (called עון מארקו = Sin Marcos, to avoid using the word San) does not engage in acts of piracy and should not be treated thus. The reason is that ʿAlī Numayr al-Rashīdī arrived last week with a letter for the governor (sanjak), informing him that his ship had been commandeered in Messina, even after he had received a promise of safe passage (al-amān). The writer strongly suggests that the recipients approach the consul, who should write immediately to Messina and command ʿAli Numayr's ship to be restored, otherwise the Basha will know how to treat these Venetian prisoners, and the situation will be terrible for all further ships arriving from Messina. There are two or three Florentine captains who are now desperate to get out of Alexandria since their business is in Messina. However, the recipients should not repeat exactly what ʿAli Numayr said to the consul or to the other merchants, because he was lying. There was no promise of safe passage at all. Rather, the Muslims accidentally docked somewhere in the territory of Syracuse in the dead of night, thinking they were in al-Mahdiyya (Tunisia). When the bells (ha-campanacci) started ringing in the morning, they realized they were in a Christian port and scrambled to escape. Their ship foundered on some rocks, and they were taken captive by a few small boats from the tower of Syracuse. All this is known because a ship arrived in Alexandria with 20 Messinan prisoners, who recounted that the ship was taken in Syracuse, not Messina. The writer appeals to the recipients to act quickly to solve this problem and to send him word. He has detained two ships that were about to depart from Abu Qir for Crete, until he hears word, because he does not want word of these events to reach Europe and deter the usual trading ships from coming to Alexandria this year. The writer then transitions into business matters, mentioning intelligence he has received in a letter from Messer Giacomo and in a letter to someone named Aran. The addressees are to buy as much pepper as they can, for the ships coming from Livorno and Messina are not expected to have much. Likewise with ginger: the fresh ginger has all been sold in Europe, so the arriving ships are going to want more, but they will only want it fresh—it must not be rotten at all. The writer also mentions spices, flax, and skins. No ships from France are expected this year, but the ships from Livorno and Messina will purchase goods to send them on to France. "I have told you many times that Cassia fistula (khiyār shanbar) is in high demand in all of Europe, but you have not listened." The writer then mentions the addressee's partnership with Moshe b. Shoshan. Walnuts are in high demand in Venice. The writer has been dealing with a merchant from Ragusa (Dubrovnik) who tells him that after these events in Alexandria, even if he were to receive the weight of all his merchandise in gold, he would not come back to Alexandria, and no European merchant will want to come again after this; all those in Alexandria at present are intending to leave. This Ragusan intended to come and live there for 3 years, but he now plans to get out. The writer concludes by urging the addressees to act quickly, and to remember to buy up lots of fresh ginger and flax. Information mostly from Avraham David's edition and notes. ASE.

Letter from David al-Qalʿī, perhaps in Minyat Zifta or nearby, to Yosef al-Faranji (it seems his uncle), perhaps in Fustat/Cairo. In Hebrew. Dating: mid-16th century, based on Avraham David's assessment and identification of the people named. The letter deals mainly with a request for the addressee to send wheat to the writer, and gives details about how the wheat market is faring in his location. Information in part from Avraham David's edition (FGP).

Legal document. In Hebrew. Late. Involves the Mustaʿribī congregation and Avraham Dammūhī. This document is a join to CUL Or. 1081 2.26 (found via FGP joinfinder). Needs further examination. MCD.

Business letter to Yiṣḥaq Ashkenazi (Avraham David does not think it is Luria).

Recto: Note in Portuguese. Mentions Jose Loise. There is further text underneath also Latin script. Verso: Accounts in Hebrew script. Currency: fulūs. 16th century?

Letter from Avraham Kolon (קולון). Probably addressed to Yosef Ardiʿa (ארדיעה) like his other two letters. Dated: Monday, 17 Ḥeshvan [5318 AM], which is 1557 CE (see A. David's article for explanation of the date). Deals with commercial matters like trade in feathers (ostrich, peacock?). Mentions traders who have Italian names (e.g., Nicoletta) and the ship ʿArīsa that is soon to depart for Venice. Published by Avraham David, Peʿamim 51 (1992), 117–18.

Business letter from Yehuda Castro to Binyamin Castro. In Hebrew. Dating: 16th century. The sender reports on business developments in crops, fruits, and vegetables, and emphasizes his trade with Venice (l. 11). A piece of Binyamin's response is preserved at the bottom of verso. He asks Avraham to speak to the דפטדאר (=defterdar?). (Information from Avraham David via FGP.)

Letter to Yiṣḥaq Ḥevroni on financial matters. Dated: 1559 CE. (Information from FGP.)

Letter sent by Ḥayyim b. Avraham Skandari, probably in Cairo, to his son, probably in Alexandria. The date is the 2nd of Adar I, probably 1590 but could also be 1606, depending on whether the yod and vav are to be read in ישֿוןֿ. Information from Avraham David's edition (FGP).

Letter of appeal for charity. In Hebrew. Dating: Late, probably 16th century. Written by Yehuda al-Ashqar b. Yiṣḥaq b. [...], a resident of Jerusalem who, when circumstances became difficult, decided to approach the Gedolim for help, "setting my face as flint not to be ashamed." The name is partially missing and thus the reading is not certain.