Geniza Lab

Letter from Shelomo b. Yehuda to Avraham Ha-Kohen b. Yiṣḥaq. Probably Ca. 1030

Letter from Moshe b. Yiṣḥaq the Qaraite, in Jerusalem, to Shemuel b. ʿAzarya b. Mevasser, one of the leaders of the Qaraites in Fustat, Dating: ca. 1044 CE. Reporting on the state of the barley crop (for calendrical purposes) among other matters.

Letter sent to Shemuel ha-Nagid dealing with the production of cheese in Bashmur and its transport to Fustat. (Information from Mediterranean Society, I, pp. 124, 428, and from Goitein's index cards)

An interesting begging letter by Yosef, the Samaritan priest, who apparently belonged to the Samaritan congregation in Fusṭāṭ. The letter has been edited, translated, and analyzed by A. Cowley. There is a long preamble listing a great many names of God, grouped in alphabetical order, in Samaritan Aramaic. Here is Cowley's translation of the substance of the message: "The Lord reward [you with goodness] and favour and truth for the words which you spoke on the Sabbath to the distinguished elder, the Lord preserve him. Now, my brethren, if the word which you spoke before him had been (spoken) to a stone or a flint which can neither answer nor speak a word back, it would have been ashamed and confounded before you, but up to the present he has not given me any help, nor will he. I know the Samaritans to be without intelligence, caring only for the things that are seen (?), and that they have not done good in the sight of God, and will not. For they seek only a reputation in this passing world, whereas if they took pleasure in what is lasting they would have shown kindness to the poor, the afflicted and needy, the strangers and priests, such as I am. Now, brethren, I did not ask him for either gold or silver. I am a carpenter. I can make boxes, bedsteads, doors, and beams. I asked him to speak to the head carpenter for me that he should take me with him to work every day for wages enough for me and my family to live upon. He has not done so either from the fear of the Lord, or because of what you said, or for my sake. And now it is right that we turn our faces to the Lord our God, the fountain of goodness which is not shut up, the well of mercy. . . . " Part of a pair with T-S 16.26.

Letter from Shemuel b. Yosef Yiju, in Mazara, to his brothers, Perahya and Moshe, in Alexandria or Fustat. Around 1156.

Late letter that begins in Hebrew and transitions into Judaeo-Arabic from an unidentified merchant to Yosef Muḥibb. He writes that he traveled this year to Tripoli (Libya?) to look for a Jew who took 100 peraḥim from him and fled to Venice. He was not successful. He has purchased garments and sent them with Saadya Kohen and Yaʿaqov b. Hīnī (also mentioned in ENA NS 50.25) to try to sell. Recto is damaged, but deals almost entirely with business matters. He mentions R. Yosef Nahon (?) who died after a year of being bedridden and consuming half of his wealth. In his will, he left 200 peraḥim for the study of Torah and for the visiting of the ill and for the poor. The writer also mentions the addressee's brother Khubayr, his own nephew Yosef, and Shelomo Abulafia. The addressee's sister Maḥbūba sends her regards and urges him to take care of their other sister and find a husband for her. On verso he returns to business matters and requests a Cypriot commodity (קוברסי/קוברסיין) and orders tin (קזדיר) from a place called גמאע אלטיילון. He mentions Yaʿaqov Bū Saʿda and David al-Ashqar. ASE.

Letter from Khalaf b. Yiṣḥaq to Abū ʿImrān Mūsā b. Ṣedaqa Ibn Nufayʿ. In Judaeo-Arabic. The sender sent previous letters with Sālim b. Efrayim, including a power of attorney for the collection of goods shipped with Tamīm. If a certain commodity has been 'liberated' from ʿAydhāb, he has sent (or will send?) wax and Indian costus. Abū ʿUmar should sell these items in Egypt, purchase linseed oil and wheat, and send them to Khalaf (in Yemen). Mentions Karīm Ibn [Yi]ju(?) the tax farmer; Abū l-Maʿālī al-Qaysarānī; Aḥmad b. Ghūrī(?). See Goitein's attached notes for a transcription.

Only the lower part of this document has survived. It is written in the form of a letter and contains a commercial account and also a court record of legal proceedings. The hand is that of Ḥalfon b. Menashshe. It seems that on his way to India, Abu Barakat met Issac al-Nafusi in Aden and the latter gave him some merchandise to sell for him there. It is probable that the lost part of the document listed the selling of this merchandise in India. Next we have an account of what Abu Barakat bought for al-Nafusi in India. Then he lists the expenses (taxes, rent of warehouse etc) of his dealings in Aden. The last part consists of a copy of legal proceedings where Abu Barakat declares that he spent the rest of al-Nafusi's money that remained with him on the recently purchased house of al-Nafusi in Fustat. He did this according to the instructions of Ḥalfon ha-Levi b. Nethanel, al-Nafusi's appointed representative.

Letter from Mahruz to Abu Zikri Kohen in Broach, Mangalore, India ca. 1145-48.

Letter from Khalaf b. Yiṣḥaq, in Aden, to Ḥalfon b. Netanel ha-Levi, in ʿAydhāb. Dating: after autumn 1131 CE. Mainly in Hebrew, with some Judaeo-Arabic. The location of Ḥalfon and the dating can be deduced based on the mention of the great storm at sea, also mentioned in ח10 (T-S Ar.48.270). This is a letter of gratitude for Ḥalfon's halakhic responsum on matrimonial matters concerning one Abū l-Ṭāhir, who needed to return to Aden from India. Ḥalfon had been asked to write his expert opinion with regard to a man who died without male offspring, in which case his widow was obliged to marry one of his brothers, normally the eldest (levirate marriage). It is reasonable to assume that R. Yaʿaqov, mentioned in l. 22 as someone who admired Ḥalfon's responsum, is Yaʿaqov b. Salīm, who wrote ח5 (CUL Or.1080 J225), who was close both to Ḥalfon and to Khalaf. The greetings at the end confirm the closeness of Khalaf to Maṣliaḥ Gaʾon and to the family members of Ḥalfon (and they shed light on some questions, such as how many brothers Ḥalfon had). (Information from Goitein and Friedman, India Book IV; Hebrew description below.)

Most of a long, very distressed letter from Menaḥem, writing in Fusṭāṭ/Cairo, to a business associate, whose family lives in Fustāṭ/Cairo and who has traveled. The details of the case are difficult to follow and merit deeper examination. Menaḥem's enemies have gotten the upper hand, and they are gloating to the utmost, and he has lost a great deal of money. In what remains of the letter, he first mentions the visit of Lu'lu' ("may the enemies of Israel perish"), who may be identical with al-Raqqī, to a prison (where Menaḥem had been held?). The entirety of the rest of the story has to do with the misdeeds of al-Raqqī and Ibn Kātib al-ʿArab, called "dogs" by the writer (they call him the same). The latter "stands in the middle of the markets [of Fusṭāṭ and Cairo] and hosts great gatherings (? maḥāfil), even greater than those of al-Raqqī. He said that I am his enemy and that I testified against him to the representative of the sultan" (r12–15, 29). Apparently the addressee normally has the ear of Ibn Kātib al-ʿArab, and so none of this would have happened if the addressee had not had to travel "for my sins" (r24–25). Menaḥem writes repeatedly that he is "in the fire" and that it would be better to be dead (r25–31, v21–25). His uncle (ʿamm) Abū l-Faraj is egging on al-Raqqī, standing in the market and "on the slaughterhouse" (?) and cursing Menaḥem and the addressee before the Jews and the Muslims. Abū l-Faraj is instructing al-Raqqī not to "appraise these pawns" (hādhihi l-ruhūnāt lā tuqawwimuhum) (does Menaḥem run a pawnshop?) (r32–36). The villainy of Abū l-Faraj goes deeper, for he "sits in the house with Yūsuf and his brothers and his children, dancing (raqṣ) and listening to music (ṭarab) (rm22–33). The installment of the story that continues on verso has to do with al-Raqqī's claim that he is owed 1000 nuqra (dirhams) by the addressee. Various legal documents and (false?) witnesses are produced (v1–15). Someone states, "This is how fortunes are lost because of slander" (v12). Menaḥem expands on his wretched state. He prays for God to command the "angel of my misfortunes" to relent. Every day ends with tears and with the melting of his liver, bit by bit (v19–32). He concludes by urging the addressee to come quickly and to seek aid from a powerful man ("kiss the feet for me of he whom you know," v33–34). He apologizes for the distressing matter contained in the letter (v35–37). R. David sends his regards and rebukes; R. Shelomo is well, recovering, back to his usual self; the addressee's wife and children are well (v37–40). In a postscript: "I heard that Muhadhdhab b. al-ʿŪdī is in critical condition and that wheat is expensive. May God have mercy." ASE

Fragment of a letter from Yoshiyyahu Gaon to Efrayim b. Shemarya, approximately 1020.

This is the fourth letter sent by Yonatan ha-Kohen b. David of Lunel to Moses Maimonides, writing in his own name but also all the sages of Provence. The letter discusses three topics. (1) They have succeeded in finding a translator for the Guide for the Perplexed, Shemuel b. Yehuda Ibn Tibbon. "Indeed [the Guide] would have been 'as a small stone in a heap of stones' (Proverbs 26:8) and 'as a lily among thorns' (Song of Songs 2:2), a book for the illiterate, if our Creator had not brought us one wise and enlightened in every wisdom, whose father taught him the language of the Arabs, the son of the wondrous sage, the elevated physician, Yehuda Ibn Tibbon ha-Sefaradi." Yonatan then gives a list of works that Yehuda Ibn Tibbon has translated: Sefer ha-Emunot, Sefer Ḥovot ha-Levavot, Middot ha-Nefesh, Mivḥar ha-Peninim (of Ibn Gabirol), the Kuzari, and Sefer ha-Diqduq and Sefer ha-Shorashim by Ibn Jannāḥ. Then, referring to the Midrash on 1 Samuel 3:3 ("the lamp of Eli had not yet gone out [when the lamp shone of] Shemuel ha-Ramati"), he returns to Shemuel the son of Yehuda who has started his career in the lifetime of his father and teacher. "He scraped the honey from the carcass of the lion into his hands (Judges 14:9), and fed us, with the tip of the pen in his hand, of the honey [from your lips] and the drops of myrrh from your fingers, and our eyes were illuminated to see what was concealed. Our eyes have not been sated with seeing, nor our ears with hearing, and our desire has grown [greater than] in the beginning, like the thirsty bird that has begun to drink when the cup is taken away, or like the nursing baby torn away from his mother's breast." (2) This leads to the second topic: they wish to be sent the third and final part of the Guide, which they have not yet seen. (3) The third matter is alluded to in a postscript, in which Yonatan repeats a request for the responsa to the 24 queries they had sent regarding the Mishneh Torah. The response of Maimonides, who neglected to respond to the first three letters, has been preserved (not in the Geniza). From the response, we also learn that this letter by Yonatan of Lunel was accompanied by a letter to Maimonides from Shemuel Ibn Tibbon. In it, he introduced himself, expressed his wish to travel to Egypt and meet Maimonides in person, and sought advice on some matters of translation. Verso contains three different text blocks. At the top, very faded, is the address, most of which Stern succeeded in reading with UV light (משה יצ בן . . . ר מימו[ן] זצל המגיד דבריו ליעקב חקיו ומשפטיו לישראל). Next, there are 11 lines in the hand of Moses Maimonides, likely his notes to himself and/or an assistant when he filed away this letter: "When the responsa to their queries were delayed from reaching them due to an illness [. . .], they sent this fourth letter requesting the responsa and the Guide, and this is the text of their letter. [. . .] the Guide, and let the delayed responsa be expedited." The word after "illness" is difficult to read. Stern suggests רבאני and the translation "divine mania." Baneth suggests ובאני, meaning "an epidemic illness." Finally, in a third hand, there is a date, which must have been added by a later owner: Monday, 2 Elul 1580 (=1269 CE), Shabbat Shofeṭim. Information largely from Stern's analysis, pp. 18–20 and 23. There are various editions, awaiting digitization. For an edition of the writing by Maimonides, and a general analysis of the place of this letter in his correspondence with the scholars of Provence, see Stern, "Maimonides' Correspondence with the Scholars of Provence," Zion 16 (1951), pp.18–29. ASE

Letter of condolences to Hillel b. ʿEli on the death of his wife (?), wishing him to find consolation in the marriage of his son. The writer, possibly Yiftaḥ ha-Kohen, asks for information regarding the return of the nagid Mevorakh b. Saʿadya from the Upper Egypt to the capital. Second half of the 11th century. (Information from Goitein notes and index card linked below and Cohen, Jewish Self-Government, p. 114.)

Letter from an older Maghribī traveler, in Alexandria, to his cousin, somewhere in the Maghrib. In Judaeo-Arabic. Dating: ca. 1100 CE. Evidently this letter was never sent. The writer has spent the last five years in Egypt attempting to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. He describes the various disasters of the years 1095–1100 to justify both why he has failed to reach Jerusalem and why too he has remained in Egypt instead of returning to his family and waṭan. First, he describes the chaos in Palestine under the Seljuq occupation ("many armed bands made their appearance in Palestine"). He next describes the 1095 siege of Alexandria in which the vizier al-Afḍal deposed Nizār and secured the caliphate for al-Mustaʿlī ("the city was ruined. . . the Sultan conquered the city and caused justice to abound"). He again prepared for travel "when God conquered Jerusalem at his [the caliph's] hands," i.e., in 1098, only to be foiled by the appearance of the Franks, who "killed everyone in the city, whether Jew or Muslim." The writer is confident that the Fatimids will retake Jerusalem this very year, so he intends to remain in Egypt until he sees Jerusalem or gives up all hope. The letter ends with the writer's protracted illnesses. Throughout these years, the land has been filled with epidemic diseases (wabā', aʿlāl, amrāḍ, dever). The wealthy became impoverished, "most people died," entire families were destroyed. The writer himself developed a grave illness (maraḍ ṣaʿb), which lasted one year, and was shortly followed by another grave illness, which has lasted four years and perhaps continues to the present day. "Indeed [true is] what the Scripture has said of the dreadful disease of Egypt (Deut. 7:15). . . . He who hiccups (yastanshiq) will not escape from it. . . . ailments and will die from them. . . . Otherwise, he will remain alive." Note that "yastanshiq" typically means "inhale" or "snuff" (e.g., water for ritual ablutions) rather than "hiccup." Information largely from Goitein's attached translation and notes, and Goldman, "Arabic-Speaking Jews in Crusader Syria" (diss.), pp. 38–42, where there is a thorough analysis of the letter's context and a discussion of the writer's penchant for hyperbole.

Letter from Yehuda b. Saadya to the leader of the community of Sahrajt demanding that the case of a widow, the sister of a prominent banker to the government, be settled expeditiously.

November 962. A letter from Neḥemya ha-Kohen, Gaon of Pumbedita, probably to the Babylonian community in Fustat. Asks for financial assistance to the academy. Mentions the death of the writer’s brother Ḥofni, av beit din of the academy. Reflects tensions between different factions within the academy. (Information from Gil, Kingdom, Vol. 2, p. 54.) Neḥemya ha-Kohen complains that his former letter had been disregarded, and requests to show honour to his messenger, Shelomo b. ʿEli, known as b. Ṭavnay. (Information from the Bodleian Genizah site). On verso, a different hand identified the writer of the letter and copied a short phrase from the letter.

Letter signed by Makhir b. Avraham and Natan b. Yiṣḥaq addressed to an unidentified dignitary. In Hebrew. Dating: Might be 10th or 11th century. The signatories seem to be writing on behalf of a larger community, but the context of this letter has yet to be determined. They complain about being persecuted by other people, their general suffering, and they ask for help and pray for the addressee's well-being. Quite faded. Needs further examination.

Letter from an otherwise unknown Avraham b. Yosef to the relatively well-known Abū l-Faḍā'il Ḥayyim b. Ḥananel, who was the son of the judge Ḥananel b. Shemuel (active ca.1211–49), and therefore the brother-in-law of Avraham Maimonides (1186–1237). See Fenton's article for other documents involving Ḥayyim b. Ḥananel. This letter consists almost entirely of deferent formalities and greetings. The writer sends regards to the addressee's father, R. Ḥananel, to the Nagid David I Maimonides (given ~30 titles) and to David's brothers ʿOvadya (1228–65) and the physician Abū l-Faḍl (from this Fenton deduces that Goitein was correct in suggesting that Avraham Maimonides had three sons: David, ʿOvadya, and Abū l-Faḍl). He also sends regards to "your associate (sharīk) al-Shaykh al-Sadīd," probably a physician; to Abū l-Barakāt Waliyy al-Dawla; and to another associate, al-Mawlā al-A[. .]d. In the margin, he reports that he has obtained the garments that Abū l-Faḍl had ordered, and that he will send them for the holiday as soon he finds a reliable messenger, or he will bring them himself. Information from Fenton's edition and discussion. ASE.

Letter from the office of the Nagid David II b. Yehoshuaʿ II Maimonides (in office ca. 1355–1410) addressed to the congregation of Fustat. The Nagid's full genealogy is given. This is not a “farewell letter” (apparently it has been published as such) but rather a note of congratulation. Still, the occasion of the letter is not exactly clear. (Information in part from Goitein’s index card)