Geniza Lab

Medical treatise in Judaeo-Arabic. Bifolium from a Judaeo-Arabic paramedical treatise on the virtues of various kinds of animal substances. ¶ . . . grind it and knead it with sheep dung and some saffron and apply it to the gout that arises from the cold. ¶ And against bedbugs, take the bile of a billy goat and mix it with oil and beat it gently and paint with it the bed and the walls, and the bedbugs will go if God wills. ¶ The brain of the kid. Cook it in oil and add sugar and Kirmani cumin and mix it gently, and drink one mithqal in hot water for pain of the heart and the lung. ¶ The brain of the goat. . . . ¶ Goat milk is lighter than the milk of women or donkeys, and camel milk is good for a dry cough. ¶ To make iron poisonous, take sour goat milk and mix it with the blood of a billy goat and the urine of an ox, and mix it together and rub it on the blades and the arrowheads, and immerse the blades in it when they are red-hot. . . . This is for an enemy. ¶ The hide of the weasel. If you make parchment from it and write on it for the insane and the possessed (or captives? מחבוסין), it is effective. ¶ The Barbary sheep. The bile of the Barbary sheep, if it is mixed with frankincense and ginger and drunk in the bath on an empty stomach, is effective against pain of the spleen. ¶ The brain of the Barbary sheep. Mix it with honey and rue water, and he who has pain in the liver should drink two dirhams of it on an empty stomach. It is hot. ¶ The monkey. He who tastes the meat of a monkey will never speak again but will ישיר (?). ¶ The heart of the monkey. It should be roasted and יגכף (?). Grind it and dissolve two dirhams of it in wine and aged honey, and palpitations and shortness of breath will go away, and it will give courage to the coward and sharpen the mind and help with a headache. And if you wish to give someone bad dreams, put the hide or the hair of a monkey under his head. ¶ Take as snuff a lentil-sized piece of monkey kidney with the milk of a female slave and violet oil for the smell that [the fragment ends here]." ASE

Testimony or narrative about events in Florence (פירנצה). Dated: 17 Tevet 5609 AM (January 1849). A man who was known as an impious alcoholic fell ill and began screaming, while covering his face, "Save me from these cruel ones who want to eat my flesh! Save me from the evil host that wants to swallow me!" People came running to help, asking, "What do you want?" He marveled that they could not see the hosts of מ״ח(?) that were coming to torture him. He begged them to bring a man to recite Psalms to protect him from this fate, and they did so. The text ends abruptly here. The handwriting is similar to that of JRL SERIES G 54.

Letter from a Spanish community to Egypt concerning an impoverished and aging man from Rhodez, France, who appraoched the ruler of his land for redress after his son was murdered; the ruler instead expropriated his possessions. Wants to go to Jerusalem to spend the rest of his life there. Recto after a long alphabetical exordium.

11th century letter from Avraham b. Yiṣḥaq near Tripoli to his son Mevorakh b. Avraham Ibn Sabra. See Oded Zinger’s dissertation, which mentions this letter several times and gives a partial translation on p. 305. “Avrahamʼs daughter had been divorced from her husband and her son returned her home to her fatherʼs place in Fustat. It seems that at least two children remained with the husband. The daughter was deeply depressed and longed to return to her abusive husband.” She had been in bed for three months, abstaining from baths and festivities, and saying that she will be grief-stricken until she dies and that she will never marry again so that her ex-husband will be punished for her sins. Remarkably, Avraham returns to this story in the last phrase of the letter: "It is a problem with the mind, to ask after someone who does not ask after you." He also conveys family news, including his delight that Mevorakh's wife has given him a daughter in his "old age." Abu Sa'd, whose "life is renewed" after surviving a serious illness, is on his way to Mevorakh's location from Tripoli. Oded Zinger, “Women, Gender, and Law: Marital Disputes According to Documents from the Cairo Genizah,” Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 2014, p. 305.

Magical/medical recipes. In Judaeo-Arabic. Possibly in a Yemeni hand (the text on verso is in a different, clearly Yemeni hand). There are recipes for incense and ointments for banishing jinns from the insane. There is a recipe for preventing pregnancy.

Recto: Legal query with responsum. Dating: First half of the 11th century. Concerning a cantor who took an oath not to lead prayers in the synagogue or to slaughter for the congregation in the market. In order to release him from the vow, the heads of the congregation asked him questions such as, would he have taken this oath if he knew that people would say that he was an idiot? If he knew that his family would get mad at him? If he knew that people would say that he was a melancholic (sawdāwī) and therefore prone to taking many oaths? He responded that he would not have taken the oath. Thus, they released him from his oath. The responsum is damaged but appears to state that the release from the vow is invalid. (Information from Amir Ashur via FGP.)

Letter from Labrāṭ b. Moshe b. Sughmār, in Sūsa, to his younger brother Abū Zekharya Yehuda b. Moshe, in Fustat. Dating: August 1056 (Gil). This long letter alludes to dire events that took place in North Africa and Sicily, including the invasion of the Bedouins, the destruction of Qayrawān and the siege of Sūsa. The letter also conveys family news about the Banū Sughmār. Labrāṭ opens saying that death is now preferable to life (r3–6). Their mother had recently died (r9–10); Labrāṭ sends a rebuke to a certain Avraham for failing to send him a letter of condolence (v1–2). "I am at this time exhausted (or muddled, multāth), confused and doubtful. By my father, I don't know what I'm writing because my mind is preoccupied. May the end be good, God willing" (r15–16). Labrāṭ congratulates on his brother on his marriage to a woman from a notable family in Fustat. He asks his brother to convey congratulations to Abū l-Khayr, the new brother-in-law, "because I have no heart and no mind," i.e., Labrāṭ is too depressed to write himself (r30–36). He uses the same excuse for his failure to maintain his correspondence with "al-rav al-ajall," the most exalted teacher (v5). "I write these lines overcome by tears" due to his separation from his brother and lack of close confidants in Sūsa (r36–37). Labrāṭ plans to travel soon, whether to east or to west. If the addressee wishes to travel, he should come to al-Mahdiyya or alternatively go to the Rīf and acquire goods for the two of them. "But in this time I have no sure opinion (ra'y)—the decision is yours" (v15–17). The other parts of the letter consist of business affairs and greetings to people in Egypt. Among the business affairs are reports on shipping, including the following: "You mentioned that you loaded three (loads of freight) onto the qārib of Mufarrij and one onto the qārib of Ibn al-Baʿbāʿ," and the former reached Tripoli (r17–18); later in the letter, he adds: "Just now a letter arrived from my lord Abī l-Faḍl Yūsuf b. Khalfa mentioning that the small (laṭīf) ship of Ibn al-Baʿbāʿ has also reached Tripoli" (v20–21). (Information in part from Gil.) ASE and MR

Recto: Mentions a hypothetical cantor or reader of the Torah who went mad and stole something and was caught. Verso: From a halakhic discussion on the first blessing of the Amidah. See Shmuel Glick's edition on FGP.

Letter from the cantor Yedutun ha-Levi, Fustat, to his brother Moshe b. Levi ha-Levi, Qalyub. Narrow strips were torn from both the left and right sides of the paper, making the contents obscure. Yedutun refers to several matters known from their other correspondence: he says that ibn al-Taffal continues to slander Moshe to Abu Zikri (the Gaon Sar Shalom ha-Levi), but Abu Zikri does not believe him (cf. T-S 13J20.18 and T-S 8J10.16). The daughter of Berakhot is suffering from a “mental illness,” with spells of relief from hour to hour; he [presumably Berakhot] consulted the brothers’ paternal uncle Imran about this. Abu l-Yusr sends his regards. ASE.

Astrological instructions for a doctor regarding how to know the illness of a patient by using the constellation of the stars at the time of the visit. (Information from Goitein's index cards)

Letter from an unidentified writer to Eliyyahu the Judge. In Judaeo-Arabic. The writer conveys condolences for a death in the family of Eliyyahu (r6–9). He says that the blow is even harder to bear than his own trials with the sick woman (al-ṣaghīra) in his household. The rest of the letter is about this woman. (Motzkin identifies her with Eliyyahu's daughter-in-law Sitt Ghazāl, but he does not explain why.) The writer asks Eliyyahu to obtain a medical consultation with the Rayyis (Avraham Maimonides?) concerning the patient. The writer provides a detailed, albeit cryptic, account of her problems (r15–v1). First she withdrew from mingling with people (inʿazalat ʿan al-khalṭa—unless this refers to a khilṭ/humor) and remained either silent (sākita) or with some altered mental status (sābita). Those around her attributed this to the wakham (bad air/epidemic) and to her pregnancy. But in the fifth month of her pregnancy, she was afflicted with "dullness of mind (balādat khāṭir), irritability (ḍajar), confusion (taḥayyur), and disorientation (taghayyub)." The family members refrained from giving her any medicine to drink on account of the pregnancy. Finally, God had mercy and she gave birth. (Motzkin understood this as a miscarriage, but the letter does not. She could just as well have carried the fetus to term and given birth to a live child.) But, the writer continues, her situation is still unstable, and they anxiously await Eliyyahu's response with the Rayyis's advice. ASE

Recto: Family letter in Arabic script, mentioning transactions and a Qāḍī. Verso: Late letter in Hebrew to R. Shelomo ha-Sofer from "your wife Dona Soro (=Sara?) and your daughters Reina and Raḥel and your son-in-law Moshe." They are dismayed at Shelomo's lack of response to their numerous letters urging him to return. They ask him to approach R. Shelomo ha-Rofe (David suggests this is the same Shelomo ha-Rofe who had access to the Nagid, mentioned in T-S G1.17, lines 15–16) and obtain an exemption from the tax. They have heard that the addressee plan to travel to Turkey, and they beg him not to do so. This would cause strife between his pregnant daughter Reina and her husband Moshe, it would cause bad luck to Rahel, who is grown and beautiful and good and modest, for the world will scorn the family and say, "look at this good, elderly, scribe who abandoned his wife and daughters after so many years. He must have gone mad, because he has traveled to a distant land," and you know what the verse says, "The eyes of a fool are in the ends of the earth" (Proverbs 17:24). So please beseech R. Shelomo ha-Rofe that he obtain for you an exemption ('ketav') from the tax, and (even?) if you cannot, return. See also analysis in Zinger, "Long Distance Marriages in the Cairo Geniza," p. 28. ASE

Letter from Abū Saʿīd, in Palermo, to his brother Abū l-Barakāt known as Ṭāriq, in Fustat. Abū Saʿīd reports that he had fled the unrest in Ifrīqiyya and traveled to Palermo. Prior to departing Ifrīqiyya, it seems, Abū Saʿīd's wife and two sons were sick for four months, and his 1-year-old son died. It seems that Abu Saʿid had to pay 50 Murābiṭī dinars due to the medical care and due to the delay in travel plans. The sea voyage was also ill-fated. The travelers were shipwrecked by a storm on an island known as Ghumūr, where they stayed for 20 days, living on wild nettles. "We hardly resembled human beings." They set off again from the island in four boats, of which only the writer's boat survived, which reached Palermo after another 35 days at sea. "By these letters, for our first month in Palermo we couldn't eat bread or understand what was said to us, due to what happened to us at sea." With understatement, "This is why I did not join you in Egypt this year." Abū Saʿīd adds that he has not heard from Abū l-Barakāt in three years, and though he would like to relocate to Egypt, he hesitates because he does not even know if Abū l-Barakāt is still alive. Abū Saʿīd suggests, alternatively, that Abū l-Barakāt join him in Sicily. Dating: Ca. 1060, based on the reference to Murābiṭī dinars. Information from Gil. ASE.

Letter from Eliyahu b. Nissim, in Alexandria, to Shela b. Isḥāq, in Fustat. In Judaeo-Arabic. Dating: Probably early 13th century. The sender, a foreigner, asks why he has been neglected. He states that he is in Alexandria and cannot come to Cairo without an invitation. The sender is worried because he has not heard from anyone for four months and because a disease had spread in Fustat. The letter opens with a biblical quotation (Proverbs 13:12). (Information in part from CUDL, from Goitein, Med Soc III, 47, 437, and from Goitein's index cards.) Join: Oded Zinger. VMR. ASE.

Letter from an unknown writer, in Alexandria, to Maṣliaḥ Gaon, in Fustat. Dating: 1127–38 CE. In Judaeo-Arabic and Hebrew. The purpose of the letter is to beseech Maṣliaḥ to investigate the matter of the death of a family member of the writer, a case with which Maṣliaḥ was clearly somewhat familiar already. It seems that the legal proceedings in Alexandria had not gone in the writer's favor, and he blames a group of evildoers not only for this but also for the death of the family member in the first place. The writer opens with the rabbinic dictum (Bava Meṣiʿa 58b) that verbal oppression is graver than monetary oppression, because the latter can be restituted but the former cannot. This is all the more true, he adds, when frauds or conspiracies (ghabā'in) have been perpetrated on somebody. He continues by saying that a physician who has personal experience of illness and treatment is all the more effective in treating others; that Maṣliaḥ himself has been the victim of conspiracy of rank (? ḥāl) and money (māl), but God in his mercy restored to each person what they deserved; thus, Maṣliaḥ will be the most suitable person to take up the case the writer is about to present, which is one of conspiracy of rank and money and family and connections (? wasā'iṭ) and witnesses. Indeed, there is a group of well-known evildoers in Alexandria who seek to pervert justice and corrupt the judges, and make it appear as if their victims are the ones at fault. As for the dead man (l. 20f), and how he lost his mind and perished after drinking the medicine—what truly killed him, according to the writer, was the fact that he had been slandered by others who complained about him to Maṣliaḥ, when in fact the dead man was the one who was wronged and ought to have been the one complaining. The writer's only desire is for Maṣliaḥ to conduct a thorough investigation into the matter. The writer prefers this to the entire inheritance, for which he has no need. He then cites a (sadly faded) saying of certain physicians about the delirium (hadhayān) that certain illnesses produce; all the more so for someone (the dead man) who suffered multiple illnesses, of mind, of body, and a conspiracy (ghabīna) against him. He concludes with formulaic praises and pleas, and finally writes, cryptically, "Ben Zoma is still outside" (Ḥagiga 15a). ASE.

A bizarre Judaeo-Arabic composition reminiscent of "clanging" in schizophrenia: disorganized thoughts associated on the basis of sound rather than content. Notable phrases include "for every plague there is a plague," following "ʿibarah destroyed 'atarah | al-fajārah destroyed al-hijrah | al-maskadah destroyed al-Mahallah." Also "If Efrayim puts out my eye, they'll ban | if Sa'id kills me, they'll cut off | if Salim strangles me, they'll topple." There are religious preoccupations as well and some gematriyah with names of God at the end. At least 15th century, if not well after, since it mentions a finjān of qahwah. ASE.

Popular literature. In Judaeo-Arabic. The portion of the story on this fragment opens with the appearance of a healer before a king: "...and princes and viziers and generals. As for your question about my trade: I am a wise man (ḥakīm), an exorcist (muʿazzim), a physician the son of a physician (ṭabīb bin ṭabīb), I release madmen and madwomen (al-majnūn wa-l-majnūna), the delusional (al-mutahawwis)... and epileptics (al-maṣrūʿ wa-l-maṣrūʿa). I command the jinn, both the tribes that fly in the heavens and those submerged in the earth. This is my trade and my craft, this why I roam the climes and the lands." The king is glad to hear this, because a female slave of his recently lost her wits. The healer begins to investigate with his magical methods, and the king reveals that her madness began after he tried to sexually assault her, and she began striking and tearing at the clothes of anybody who came near her.

Letter from Yeḥezqel b. Shemuel to an unknown addressee. In Judaeo-Arabic. He reports that Sitt ʿAnbar is very sick, and she has developed a delusion (takhayyul fāsid) regarding the addressee, namely, that he must be sick as well. Yeḥezqel asks him to come back or write back quickly with news of his health to alleviate her suffering. He also wants the addressee to ask Abū l-Majd the son of the judge whether Abū l-ʿIzz left the writer's copy of the commentary on the Mishna (of Maimonides?) with him, and if so, to obtain it and return it to him. ASE

Magical fragment. In Judaeo-Arabic and Arabic script. Dated: Wednesday, 16 Adar 5005 AM, which is 1245 CE. Gives a spell for annulling other spells, warding off umm al-ṣibyān (infant colic or epilepsy), and exorcising the spirits of the jinn from one who is afflicted (muṣāb). It should be concealed from ignoramuses. The formula is copied out, following a basmala, in both unconnected Arabic script and in Judaeo-Arabic. The Judaeo-Arabic portion concludes with Q10:81, "Moses said, 'What you have brought is [only] magic. Indeed, Allah wille expose its worthlessness. Indeed, Allah does not amend the work of corrupters.'"