Geniza Lab

Letter from Mūsā b. Barhūn al-Tāhirtī and his brother Yiṣḥaq b. Barhūn, in Qayrawān, to the senior Tustari brothers (Abū l-Faḍl Sahl (Yashar), Abū Yaʿaqov Yosef, and Abū Sahl Saʿīd the sons of Yisraʾel), in Fustat. Dating: probably first decade of the 11th century. Written on parchment. Though the address lists all the brothers (the members of the respective family firms), the letter is principally from Mūsā al-Tāhirtī to Sahl al-Tustarī. The letter deals mainly with trade in expensive textiles, including some which the Tustaris had shipped for Abū Zikrī Yehuda b. Yosef, the leading Jewish merchant of Qayrawān (active 990s–1030s). (Information from Goitein, Letters of Medieval Jewish Traders, pp. 73–79.)

Second leaf of a letter from an unidentified merchant, probably in Alexandria. In Judaeo-Arabic. Dated 1052 by Gil and 1066/67 by Goitein (in Mediterranean Society, II, p. 534). Addressed to the sender's brother, saying that the sender is trying to put an end to a dispute between the Muslim indigo merchants with the aid of a respected Muslim man and a law expert. Mentions the invasion of the Banū Qurra and "the slaves" into Giza. Community members tried to collect money with the Qaraites, but they did not show up to the meeting. (Information from Gil, Kingdom, Vol. 4, #816.) VMR. Almost certainly the same sender (but probably not the same letter) as CUL Or.1080 J268. ASE

Question submitted to "sayyidnā," it seems the Head of the Karaite community, about a case that had come before the governor/chief of police (wālī) of Alexandria. One of the writer's opponents was Ibn al-Laḥḥām, who had been under a ban of excommunication for 25 years for having a child with a woman lacking kashrut (according to Karaite law). The son is now a member of the community. Information from Goitein's index card.

Bill of divorce, Qaraite. In Hebrew. T-S 12.54 and T-S 12.70 are two very rare examples of Qaraite bills of divorce. Husband: ʿAmmār al-Khāṭirī. Witnesses: Yefet Kohen b. ʿEli; Mevorakh b. Yehuda ha-Levi.

Letter from Shimʿon b. Shaʾul b. Yisraʾel ha-Ṭulayṭulī, in Jerusalem, to his sister Ballūṭa in Toledo. The writer (a Rabbanite) relays two years of news about Qaraites and fellow Andalusians in Jerusalem, as well as family news. He conveys the distress he felt upon hearing of the epidemic (wabā') and unrest (tashwīsh) in the environs of Toledo. One theme of the letter is their father's health. "Our father is in a state that one would wish only for one's enemies. He has become paralyzed (mabṭūl), blind (aʿmā), and feeble-minded (madkhūl al-dhihn), and suffers much (mumtaḥin). The bearers of this letter will tell you about him and about my care for him. He does not lack a thing, for he is well served (makhdūm) and cared for (maḥfūẓ). I do not rely on anyone else to concern themselves with him. My bed adjoins his; I get up several times every night to cover him and to turn him, since he is not able to do any of these things alone (idh lā yamlik min nafsihi shay'). May God, the exalted, reward him for his sufferings." Med Soc III, p. 241. Later in the letter, Shimʿon tells Ballūṭa that she need not concern herself with sending the turban that had been requested, "for, woe is me, he no longer has the wherewithal to leave the door of the house. He used to devote himself (wādhāb should be read as wāẓāb) to the Mount of Olives and to God's Temple for as long as he was able and [the strength] was in him, may God reward him." (Gil's translation diverges significantly from this.) A second theme of the letter is the story of a fellow Toledan, Ibrāhīm b. Fadānj, and his wife, who arrived two years earlier after having been taken captive in Byzantium and redeemed in Ramle. For a detailed analysis of their case—involving multiple changes of allegiance between the Qaraite and Rabbanite communities, and the writer's role in aiding them—see Rustow, "Karaites Real and Imagined" (2007), 43–47.

Letter in Judaeo-Arabic. This is a very long vertical strip from the middle of the letter. It was partially cut up, and the beginning of the letter was apparently rotated 180 degrees and glued back on. (Verso was then reused for Exodus 29:45–46; Malachi 3:4; Psalms 147:5–10; 95:7–11.) Mentions the sender's arrival in some place; "our elders"; "the West"; poverty; some sort of communal conflict; and "the heads of the Qaraites." Several lines toward the bottom are crossed and/or rubbed out. (Information in part from Goitein's index card and CUDL)

Letter from the Karaite congregation of Alexandria to the leader of their community, complaining about the helplessness and dissolution of the community. (Information from Mediterranean Society, V, p. 365) Reused for Arabic accounts with Coptic numerals (see PGPID 35173).

Family letter in Arabic, in Arabic script. There are a handful of Hebrew words, also in Arabic script. Dating: Likely 11th century, based on the reference to the Tustaris. After the opening greetings, the sender reports on somebody who was sick with fever (ḥummā) and chills (bard) for 40 days but who then improved. Mentioned next: a house, rent, a banker (al-Ṣayrafī), 2.5 dinars paid in nuqra every year, and renovations (tarammum/tarammama). In the upper margin of recto, mentions a woman planning to travel; also mentions the Tustaris (al-Dasātira) and Umm Abū l-Khayr(?). On verso the sender is talking about another woman (Umm ʿAzzūz?) and says more about the house — cleaning it and its roof (naẓẓafnā al-dār kullhā... al-saṭḥ...). There is a line that contains the Hebrew word "dreams' (الحلوموث). The letter concludes with a report on the children, who are all well. One of the female family members wishes to travel. She has been studying a tafsīr but has finished (qad faraghat). Sittūna (a female name) is studying the book of Kings. Abū Manṣu{r?} is studying the book of Samuel. Someone is studying the Torah with Shelomo Ibn al-[...]. This letter offers a rare glimpse into the religious education of girls, perhaps upper-class Qaraite girls, based on the casual reference to the Tustaris. Merits further examination. ASE

Note in Judaeo-Arabic. Calligraphic. The sender excuses himself for cutting himself off from the addressee by offering a cryptic excuse (כאן אלשיך חנבאץ? ענדה פי אכתר אלאוקאת)—someone the sender doesn't care for? He cites several verses and adds "according to how the Rabbanites (? ahl al-Talmud) interpret them." On verso there is a note to the addressee reminding him to deliver something (money?) owed to a certain woman.

Letter in Judaeo-Arabic. There is mention of the Qaraites and Ben Me'ir, suggesting that it might have to do with the calendar controversy. There is also mention of sums of money and entering a place that is referred to as Dār al-ʿIlm (not necessarily identical with the Qaraite institution in Jerusalem).

Recto: Petition or letter. In Arabic script. Dating: late 11th century. Excerpts: "...the Jews, in accordance with that which is known of him and is famous of his... vulgar people (aqwām min al-ʿāmma) [met] with your excellence... their place with him, and from those who help... against them from him, obstruction of joining the noble procession (? al-taʿarruḍ li-liqāʾ al-mawkib al-saʿīd) and raising up petitions (rafʿ riqāʿ)... Daniel b. ʿAzarya al-Dāʾūdī... and the sect of the Qaraites (ṭāʾifat al-qaraʾiyyīn)... headship (bi-l-riyāsa)...." Needs further examination.

Letter addressed to a dignitary named Yefet. Opens with Hebrew praises and wishes for a speedy recovery, then switches into Arabic (in Arabic script) for the body of the letter, which opens with a quotation from the Qaraite sage Yūsuf al-Baṣīr (fl. early 11th century). The continuation of the letter is lost. The Yefet in question may well be Ḥasan/Yefet b. Abī Saʿd Ibrāhīm al-Tustarī, on whom see further T-S 16.50, given the Qaraite content, the grand titles of the addressee, and the fact that he's called ḥemdat ha-nesiʾut (his father-in-law was the Qaraite nasi Ḥizqiyahu). This presumably dates from some time between his marriage ca. 1040–47 and his conversion to Islam ca. 1064. (Alan Elbaum and Marina Rustow)

Three fragments from a deed of betrothal (erusin). Probably (but not necessarily) Qaraite. The groom is Yefet, and the bride Sirwa (or perhaps Surūr[a]). There is also someone named Iyyov/Ayyūb. These pieces do not join directly. AA. ASE.

Memorial lists from the Qaraite community of Cairo. Dating: Late 17th century or 18th century. There are 9 pages. Includes entries for the תוריזי family (Tawrizi?); Mann suggested that this family originated in Tabriz. This document is discussed by Haggai Ben-Shammai in "New Sources for the History of the Karaites in Sixteenth-Century Egypt (A Preliminary Description)" (Hebrew), Ginzei Qedem 2 (2006), pp. 97–101.

Legal report in a Qaraite court register. Written in Judaeo-Arabic. Location: Cairo. Dating: Unknown. Catalogued as 1101 CE, but this date does not appear on the microfilm images. Perhaps the missing digits were legible in the past or remain legible on the physical document. The date in the microfilm reads "Sunday night, 7 Tevet, 14[..] Seleucid." The digits את appear at the beginning of the year, but this gives only an earliest possible date of 1089 CE and a latest possible date of 1688 CE. Based solely on the script, a date in the 13th century seems more likely. The scribe has the unusual name Neḥam'el b. Mevorakh b. Yehuda b. Aharon. The document is a fascinating report on the Qaraite court of Cairo's investigation into the years-long rumors about the relationship between Abū Naṣr b. Qayūma and an unnamed woman who is alternately referred to as "the daughter of Abū l-Maʿālī b. Tāmār," "the wife of Abū Saʿd b. Ṣadaqa al-Labbān," and "the woman." It appears that the woman had a petition (ruqʿa) written on her behalf to the communal authorities, which came into the possession of the scribe, who subsequently brought it to the attention of the Qaraite authority, ha-Nasi ha-Gadol, who called for an inquiry. The council first summoned the woman and her husband (called her "waliyy" or "guardian"). (1) She reported that Abū Naṣr had been stalking her for years, visiting her house three or four times a day. She was frightened of him and told her husband's paternal aunt that if she ever saw Abū Naṣr visit when this woman was alone, she should come down and join them. She had gone several times to the court to complain about him, but nothing came of that. When asked whether she knew who wrote the petition (ruqʿa), she admitted that in fact she was the one responsible for it, but the person who wrote it for her added some things she had not said and left out other things she had said. (2) As for the husband, he responded that he didn't know anything about this. All he knew was that his wife hated to have Abū Naṣr in their house, but he never knew why. (3) Abū Nāsr was then summoned. He denied everything. But then he admitted that he had previously been summoned to court and been issued a restraining order not to enter her house for a period of a year and a half. They questioned him repeatedly, but he wouldn't admit anything else. (4) The woman was then questioned in Abū Naṣr's presence what she had said in his absence, and she was unwilling to repeat what she said before. Rather, "she changed her story. . . and said, 'I hated. . .'" (5) Abū l-Faraj al-Ṭaḥḥān reported to the court and attested that whenever he visited the house of his brother-in-law Abū Saʿd b. Ṣadaqa al-Labbān and Abū Naṣr b. Qayūma was also present, he witnessed Abū Naṣr's vulgar speech and behavior toward the woman, but he had no knowledge of whether anything else passed between them. (6) A number of other women were then questioned. They confirmed that the woman under investigation had complained to them numerous times about Abū Naṣr's harassment (taʿarruḍ) of her. However, the scribe writes, because their testimony entirely derived from what the woman herself told them, there is no need to record it in this document. But he notes that these women confirmed her "agitation" (imtiʿāḍ) whenever she talked about Abū Naṣr's behavior to them. At this point the court determined that they needed to gather more testimony. Thus they agreed that the next day a ban of excommunication would be declared against anyone who had knowledge of the affair and did not come forward to testify about it. The scribe records the date and his name, and several witnesses sign: Netan'el ha-Kohen b. ʿAmram; Yefet ha-Melammed b. Ḥalfon(?), Avraham b. Yefet, and probably others that are now faded. He adds an addendum the following day stating that he attended "al-majliṣ al-marsūm" (Goitein interprets this as 'the next prayer service') of the Qaraites in Cairo and declared the agreed-upon ban of excommunication, effective for a period of one week. This addendum was witnessed by Avraham b. Yefet and Yefet ha-Melammed b. Ḥalfon(?). This document is mentioned several times in Zinger's dissertation and in Goitein, Med Soc V, 314 and 592. ASE.

Letter from an unnamed Fatimid official in Alexandria to Najīb al-Dawla. Dating: second half of the eleventh century. 36 lines preserved, written in an elegant chancery hand with very wide line-spacing. Najīb al-Dawla is a higher-level official than the author of the letter, but the author also has quite a bit of command and responsibility, and the ability to issue to levy and cancel taxes and to issue decrees on the spot in a region of the delta, so perhaps he is a local governor — although he refers to a different ʿāmil in his letter. The author writes to report to Najīb al-Dawla on his activities in the delta and in a village called Tarūja, which is southeast of Alexandria. Topics, in order of appearance: 1. Soldiers who have taken an oath of loyalty to the Fatimid dynasty. 2. The author's postponement of one leg of his journey, to Tarūja, until the coming Thursday, which will cut short his time with the governor. 3. A state occasion attended by all the soldiers, leaders and elders of the city (unclear which city), as well as its governor and its postmaster, on which occasion a certain adopted son of the Sharīf repeated an admonishment to the leaders of said city and to the Banū Qurra. 4. The arrival of the addressee, Najīb al-Dawla, and his touring with the addressee around the rest of the districts to collect taxes. 5. The soldiers’ protests about staying in the garrison, which furnish the author with an excuse for failing to fulfill his other duties, perhaps collecting taxes. 6. The author's success in eliminating crime in a certain district thanks to a tax-farm of 400 dinars that paid for policing. The elimination of crime allowed him to reward the district by lifting taxes on popular foods (al-maṭāʿim al-ḥabība), provisions and necessities, a policy he announced by writing [decrees], reading them in the town and having them sent to the rest of the districts. 7. The delay of the endorsement of a certain memorandum concerning the writer. 8. The return of the author's son to him. 9. The author's wish to receive more official duties from Najīb al-Dawla, a request he expresses with what might be a raʾy clause (but there is a lacuna). 10. A visit that the author made to the aforementioned adopted son of the Sharīf, Abū Ṭālib al-Ḥusayn, at his estate (which is named, but there is a lacuna); there, he ran into Ḥusay[n] and Ḥasan b. Mahdī and […] b. Jābir the captain (khardar). The letter was cut up and turned into ten bifolios that were folded into a single quire; on this, the well-known late-eleventh-century Qaraite ʿAlī b. Sulaymān wrote extracts in Hebrew and Arabic script of Kitāb al-anwār wa-l-marākib by the tenth-century Iraqi Qaraite al-Qirqisānī. ʿAlī b. Sulaymān included two colophons with his name (fols. 5r and 17r), but neither is dated or mentions a place of writing. ʿAlī b. Sulaymān was active in Jerusalem ca. 436/1045, where he studied with some of the well-known Qaraites of the Dār al-ʿIlm, and then in Tinnīs ca. 1057 and Fustat ca. 1080, where he signed and dated colophons (see Borisov [1954]). He may have been active as late as 1103, according to a colophon with a problematic date of 415 (is this [1]415 Sel., or 1103? a hijrī dating would be too early). Assuming his floruit was 1045–1103, our letter would date to ca. 1050–1100; this also assumes, as was the usual practice, a relatively brief turnaround time between state-related documents being discarded and their being reused. Where and how did ʿAlī b. Sulaymān acquire the letter? Was he active in state circles in Egypt in the late eleventh century? He was close with Sahl b. al-Faḍl al-Tustarī, a muʿtazilī philosopher-theologian who was a government administrator in Jerusalem in the 1090s under the Seljuks; but the letter reflects an Egyptian Fatimid context, not a Syrian Seljuk one, so al-Tustarī is unlikely to be its author, unless he had an otherwise unattested appointment in Egypt before his appointment in Jerusalem. The FGP images are missing a folio between what it labels folios 14r and 15r. This would be folio 11 according to the pencilled numbers on the bottom of the recto pages of the manuscript, and it would have been part of a blank verso of the original letter. MR

Court notebook from the Qaraite court of Cairo that was based in the Dar Simḥa synagogue. Spanning the dates 1560–75 CE. 69 pages. Contains 190 documents in Judaeo-Arabic, 6 documents in Hebrew, and 1 document in Arabic script. Discussed in depth with two sample transcriptions by Haggai Ben-Shammai in "New Sources for the History of the Karaites in Sixteenth-Century Egypt (A Preliminary Description)" (Hebrew), Ginzei Qedem 2 (2006), pp.85–97.

The story of Esther in Judaeo-Arabic.

Letter draft from an unknown man in Egypt to Marzūq Chelebi (? גלבי) in Damascus. Both writer and addressee are Qaraites. The latter is greeted as someone who is renowned for his charity "among Muslims, Christians, and Rabbanites." Recto is written in Judaeo-Arabic, and verso is in Arabic script; both sides appear to belong to the same letter. The letter mentions a figure named Isaac Navarro several times as well as "the Pasha." It tells the tale of persecution and imprisonment; it seems that the captive Rabbanites had the wherewithal to advocate with the Pasha for their release, but not so the Qaraites, and the Rabbanites gloated tremendously (wa-yā shamātat al-rabbānīn!). Needs further examination.

Letter from an unknown writer, in Jerusalem, to "the community of Qaraites." In Judaeo-Arabic, with some Hebrew verses at the top. Dating: Unknown. The letter discusses a matter of inheritance and a 'tarsīm' and complains that the addressees have abandoned him, and he suffers at the hands of the gentiles, and he does not sleep at night. He wishes the addressees to write back quickly, come in person, or help him with money. Needs further examination.