Tag: arabic address

96 records found
Letter from Manṣūr b. Sālim, in Alexandria, to Eliyyahu the Judge (Abū l-Faraj b. al-Rayyis), in Fustat. Manṣūr asks Eliyyahu to help find his son, who had run away, perhaps to the army, perhaps to Cairo or Damascus. Manṣūr asks Eliyyahu to urge his son to come home, reminding him of his obligations towards his mother, who is very sick on account of her son's actions. The son had taken several objects with him on his flight without the father knowing it(?). The sender requests a quick reply to his letter. See also T-S 10J14.12 and T-S Ar.18(1).137, letters by the same sender concerning the same matter. (Information from Mediterranean Society, I, pp. 274, 468; II, pp. 379, 479, 610)
Letter from Yefet to Abū l-Barakāt the physician, in Fustat (bāb qaṣr al-shamʿ). which the writer alludes to some bad news ("ever since I heard the news, I have fasted in the daytime and prostrated in bed") and urges the addressee to keep him informed.
Letter from Hilāl, in Alexandria, to Mufaḍḍal b. al-Dayyān, in Fustat. In Judaeo-Arabic with the address in Arabic. The subject matter is vague; the writer agrees with what the addressee wrote him, and he is at his service, and he goes on to discusses various business matters.
Letter from Shelomo b. Yehuda, in Jerusalem, to Sahlān b. Avraham, in Fustat. In Hebrew. Dating: 1029 CE. "Here is a description of old age in the hand of Solomon b. Judah Gaon, the president of the Jerusalem yeshiva and official head of the Jews of the Fatimid empire, written nineteen years before his death. The time was excruciating for him: things in the yeshiva and the community at large did not go according to his wishes. Abraham b. Sahlan, a leader of Egyptian Jewry, Solomon's 'peer,' with whom he had probably studied many years before, had just died, and his own son was on his way to Aleppo in northern Syria, a voyage fraught with danger. . . . But old age, like life in general, has its ups and downs: the rich correspondence of the Gaon shows him as being active in affairs and rich in style during the long years following the passage translated above, although a premonition of death is certainly felt in it. 'I am a descending sun, soon to set. My soul is very much depressed since my peer passed away, may he rest in Eden. I ask God only to keep me alive through this year so that people should not say: "Both died within one year." Take notice, my dear, that I am going about like a shadow [cf. Psalms 39:7]. I have no authority (reshut), only the title. My strength is gone, my knee is feeble, and my foot staggers. My eyes are dim, and, when I write, it is as if I was learning it, sometimes the lines are straight and sometimes crooked, and so is my style, because my mind is disturbed since the day my beloved [son] traveled to Aleppo to fetch some goods he had left there. I pray to God to bring him back in safety "before I depart and be no more" [Psalms 39:14]'" (Goitein, Med Soc, V, p. 120, translating lines 19–25).
Letter from Sitt Dhahab, in an unknown location, to Abū Naṣr b. Karīm, in Qāʿat al-Fāḍil, Fustat. She refers to herself as his daughter. Goitein suggests that he is her elder brother, although in that case it might be odd for a sister to refer to "the house of your brother" rather than "our brother." She reports that Abū l-Faraj b. al-Rayyis (Judge Elijah?) has arrived, with 100 dirhams for them. He is interested in buying wheat. She confirms that several consignments have arrived, including the balālīn (?), a frying pan (ṭājin), a robe (shuqqa), yarn (ghazal), and silk in various forms. She suggests that he send silver to Sitt Iftikhār, who has been seriously ill ("she has not lifted her head") already two months. She uses the word "iltaha'at" (bi-ruḥihā wa-maraḍihā) to describe Sitt Iftikhār; this word also appears in the context of distress in CUL Or.1081 J5 and possibly T-S 10J12.14. It might correspond to التهى, meaning "to be occupied with oneself" (Dozy). She reports on the sale of a female slave for 10 dinars, but this deal may have fallen apart: when "the man" came to fetch her price, "they returned to your brother's house, and they said they wouldn't sell her," and the female slave herself had to be bound with ropes. She then gives an update on the door for the vestibule (kumm). Abū l-Surūr bought one, but it is not suitable. Another worker came and took its measurements and is interested in doing the work. As for the old door of iron, Ḥusām took it down, and Salīm the carpenter didn't lift a finger to help. She urges the addressee to be diligent in forwarding the letters of Abū l-Maʿālī, because his mother and grandmother (or: mother and wife) are worried about him. She urges him to not forget to give an update on Najm in each of his letters, because when he does not, everyone is worried. The address is in both Judaeo-Arabic and Arabic. Information in part from Goitein's note card. ASE.
Letter from a man to his 'brother' Abū l-Khayr and to his brother Manṣūr al-Dhabbāḥ, in Fustat. In Judaeo-Arabic, with the address in Arabic script. The writer urges his brother to end his itinerant lifestyle and return from the "iron furnace" to a life of ease with his family; this would be like living "in Paradise after Hell." There is a key ambiguity in interpreting the remainder of the letter. Goitein understood the addressee to be the writer's brother-in-law (perhaps because of צהרי in ll. 15–16) and the word ʿāṭib ("perishing, destroyed', ll. 6, 16) to be referring to the addressee whom Goitein writes was "reported drowned." But the word ʿāṭib is attributed to the bonesetter (mujabbir) in line 6 and to Ibn al-Dihqān in line 16, and the Judaeo-Arabic צהרי can mean "my back" (ظهري) just as well as the more common "my brother-in-law" (صهري). Thus, another possible reading: "I arrived in good health, but when I arrived, I went to the bonesetter (al-mujabbir), who said, 'You are a wreck (ʿāṭib).' But all turned out well." The writer goes on to explain why he himself left his family: because no one in Fustat could properly treat his illness. He went to Ibn al-Dihqān (when still in Fustat?), who did not know whether his back was ʿāṭib or not. Perhaps ʿāṭib is a technical term related to back pain, or just meaning something like "incurable." The remainder of the letter is quite damaged. The margin mentions the writer's illness/pain, the bonesetter, and perhaps the healing of a wound (ובנא לחם). This document is of particular interest, because references to bonesetters are rare in Geniza documents. Apart from this one: F 1908.44W, where they are called raddādīn; and CUL Or.1080 J214, where they are not named, but the writer had had his leg "pulled" (shuddat ʿalayhi) unsucessfully. (Information in part from Goitein's index cards.) ASE
Letter from the schoolmaster Natan b. Shemuel, in a small town, to his brother Abū l-Ḥasan, in Fustat. In Judaeo-Arabic, with the address in Arabic script. The writer asks for some ophthalmic medicine, some sour-grape kohl, and an unidentified medicine (רישאנא?), because he needs them very much. If his financial situation were not so terrible this winter, he would have sent some money to cover the cost. He describes his extreme hardships, explaining that he had had to pawn garments to cover the costs of the holidays(?). He asks the addressee to meet with their in-law Abū Naṣr and thank him and seek to resolve some family matter. He worries that people are angry at him: "I think that no one likes a beggar." He then asks for the addressee's indulgence for what he had previously written. He was not himself, because of his great preoccupation upon the death of the khaṭīb of his town, who had been a great support to him. He goes on to allude to a dispute between himself and his cousin (ibn ʿamm), about whom he has many harsh words (incl. "Smoother than cream were the speeches of his mouth, but his heart was war" (Psalms 55:22); "may God save me from his evil"). He conveys greetings to various people, including R. Yeḥiel (active 1224–33). In a first postscript, he reports that Qaḍīb is severely ill with pleurisy (dhāt al-janb). He is out of his mind with worry and asks for his sister Saʿāda to be sent urgently. "May I not live to see her day [of death]." In a second postscript, he reports that actually Qaḍīb is doing much better now, thank God. (Information in part from Mediterranean Society, IV, pp. 185, 413; V, pp. 242, 573, 600-601.) ASE
Letter from Abū ʿAlī to his father Abū l-ʿIzz. In Judaeo-Arabic. He reports that his mother and Yūsuf arrived safely after four days of travel by boat. He has sent his father a fulled maqṭaʿ cloth worth 49 dirhams and wishes to have for its price 150 jars with unnamed contents. If that sum were not sufficient, he would deliver the balance to the carrier. He alludes to his illness in passing by way of explaining why he has not done something (line 21). (Information from Mediterranean Society, IV, p. 446.) ASE
Letter from Yūsuf b. Faraḥ al-Qābisī, in Alexandria, to his nephew Abū l-Surūr Faraḥ b. Ismāʿīl b. Faraḥ, in Fustat. In Judaeo-Arabic. Dating: September 6, 1056 CE, based on Gil's assessment. The letter contains a wide array of news and business matters. Yūsuf describes an attack by Ibn al-Thumna's soldiers on merchant ships and the requisitioning of merchandise (r10–12). He passes on the news (r14–15) that the addressee's uncle (ʿamm) Sulaymān was seriously ill in Sūsa but recovered (פק, to be read fāq); that Yaḥyā b. Mūsā al-Majjānī died (r16–17); that the writer's own cousin (ibn khālat{ī}) Abū l-Faḍl is critically ill (ʿalā khuṭṭa) in al-Mahdiyya (r17–18); that the customs tax (ʿushr) has become more stringent (r18); and that Yosef b. Shabbetay al-Ḥazzān converted to Islam in Palermo, a grievous day (r19–20). Amidst the bad news, and a business partner's complaint that his goods never reached him, Yūsuf complains, "My boy, by God, before this trip I was very strong, but now it is the opposite, by God, my spirit is weaker than a thread of silk" (r21–22). He continues with news of Qayrawān, al-Mahdiyya, and Sfax (v1–4); instructions regarding the purchase of flax in Būṣīr (v8–11); and information on the movements of ships. (Information in part from Gil.) ASE.
Letter from Abū ʿAlī b. Barakāt to his son Abū Naṣr ʿAlī b. Abū ʿAli b. al-Quṣayr, in the alley of the candles, presumably in Fustat. The unemployed father can send nothing to his son and cannot travel because of the dangers on sea and land. He promises to return home as soon as possible when it becomes less dangerous. He gives advice about the running of the shop in his absence, and says multiple times that his son should tell all his customers and associates that he is coming back as soon as possible, and he has not run away or gone bankrupt or died. It appears that his wife had written that she was languishing in his absence, to which he responds that God has brought deliverance for greater crises than this, and as soon as he heard that, he vowed to fast in the day until he is reunited with them. In another place, he says he does not sleep at night due to longing for them. His son should not speak to Hiba the collector of the capitation tax, because Abū ʿAlī owes him money and needs to sort out the matter in person. (Information in part from Goitein's index cards, and Goitein, Mediterranean Society, I, p. 467.) ASE.
Letter from an unknown writer, in al-Maḥalla, to Nahray b. Nissim, presumably in Fustat. The body of the letter is in Hebrew and Judaeo-Arabic. Dating: Ca. 1070, based on Gil's estimate. The writer is in need of money and his son is ill. He complains that there is not enough meat in his town; perhaps he mentions this because he thinks his son needs meat to get better. There is widespread unemployment in al-Maḥalla, and traveling at this time is dangerous (ופחד הדרכים יותר). The writer also discusses something that he needs to return, perhaps money or books. The letter ends with a legal query on rabbinic usury (avaq ribbit). Apparently Nahray's letter to the writer contained the Hebrew saying, "Don't judge somebody until you are in his place," and the writer here responds with the popular Arabic saying (משל הדיוט), "The thirsty does not know what is inside of the hungry." Information from Gil, Kingdom, Vol. 4, #829. VMR. ASE.
Letter from Mūsā b. Yaʿqūb al-Miṣrī, in Minyatayn (the "two Minyas," Ghamr and Zifta, located across from each other on one of the Delta tributaries), to Abū l-ʿAlā' Yūsuf b. Dā'ūd b. Shaʿyā, in Fustat. In Judaeo-Arabic. Dating: ca. 1056 CE. The letter discusses the flax harvest and confirms the receipt of some clothes. There is a passing mention of someone's illness in the margin (line 3). (Information from Gil.)
Letter from Efrayim b. Isḥāq, in Alexandria, to Nahray b. Nissim, in Fustat. Dating: Ca. 1070 CE. The writer owns several apartments in Alexandria and rents an apartment to Nahray. Nahray has heard rumors that Efrayim is loaning other people books that belong to Nahray, from his apartment. The writer defends himself and admits that he loaned two books to Mevorakh b. Seʿadya, but in exchange for a receipt signed by two witnesses. The writer has business relations with the addressee and writes about selling vinegar. The writer received Nahray's letter in the ship, in the evening of its sail. He therefore wrote this letter (because in haste?) on a reused receipt—written in Arabic script—from nearly twenty years earlier (it is dated 4 March 1051 CE). The writer also inquires about his sick female paternal cousin (bint ʿammī, r3). (Information from Gil, Kingdom, Vol. 4, #710) VMR
Letter from Alexandria relating to Jewish prisoners from Byzantium who were brought to Egyptian ports. Detailed summary in Mann, Jews, vol. 1, p. 91. Recto: part of a letter, c. 1030 CE, from Yeshuʿa ha-Kohen b. Yosef the judge, in Alexandria, to Efrayim he-Ḥaver in the Great Sanhedrin b. Shemarya, in Fusṭāṭ, seeking financial help for Shabbetay b. Netanʾel, a ransomed captive who wants to return to his native Byzantium via Jerusalem. Greetings are sent to Efrayim’s son-in-law, Yosef. Verso: address in Arabic script. Information from CUDL.
Letter from Nissim b. Ḥalfon, in Tinnīs, to Nahray b. Nissim, in Fustat. Dating: August 20, 1046. The writer describes his difficulties. He almost did not collect the debt from al-Ḥarīrī (the silk merchant) in Damsīs. Selling linen was hard because a better product arrived from the Levant (Ashqelon and Arṣūf (and?) Tyre). Selling Nahray's silk was hard, as wel,l because of the superior silk the ghulām of Ibn Abī l-Zaffāt brought from Spain. It was likewise hard to sell lacquer. When he arrived back home, he found his son and daughter ill with smallpox. "When I arrive{d} I found the little one ill (ḍaʿīf). He became affected by smallpox (itjaddara), he and his sister, and people are preoccupied about him (wa-huwa taḥta shughl). May God grant relief in His mercy." Gil reads instead "itjaddada," which would simply mean that the illness was renewed and there was no smallpox. But perhaps this is less likely, because the letter does not describe any prior reprieve from the illness, and because the subject of the verb is "he and his sister," not the illness. Information in part from Gil, Kingdom, Vol. 3, #583 and Goitein's note card (#27119). VMR. ASE.
Letter from Labrāṭ b. Moshe b. Sughmār, in al-Mahdiyya, to his brother Yehuda, in Fustat. In Judaeo-Arabic. Dating: January 9 (12 Shevat), 1058 CE (Gil) or 1061 CE (Ben-Sasson). Labrāṭ congratulates Yehuda on the birth of his firstborn son. There may be a prayer for God to protect the infant from the evil eye (r11–12; the first letter of the word is smudged; Gil reads al-ḍaw' rather than al-sū'; neither one is strictly grammatical). Labrāṭ heard from Zakkār that the infant was a girl and was only reassured when Yehuda's letter arrived with the news that it was a boy. Labrāṭ keeps the blessed letter with him and kisses it and puts it before his eyes; he gave it to his sister this week but made her promise to return it (r4–18). Labrāṭ continues with business affairs. There is an elaborate response to what Yehuda said about the pain Labrāṭ caused him by rebuking him about a business decision taken by Yehuda. Labrāṭ only wrote anything because it concerned somebody else's merchandise. As for what is owed to him by Yehuda, what are 20 dinars next to their relationship, which is worth the whole world? If Yehuda was agitated by Labrāṭ's rebuke, Labrāṭ is now agitated by Yehuda's response. Furthermore, this sum is nothing compared to what they already lost in Qayrawān. As the proverb goes, "If nothing is left of your provisions except a single cake, you might as well throw it into the sea" (r18–32). The letter continues with matters of trade between Ifrīqiyya, Sicily, and Egypt. Numerous people are mentioned: the Nagid, Nissim, Abū Hārūn, Ḥayyim b. ʿAmmār, the boy of Ḥassūn, Ḥassūn b. Mūsā, Yehuda b. Mūsā, Abū ʿAbd Allāh, the notables of Qayrawān and al-Mahdiyya, Isḥāq b. Bar[hūn?], and Yosef b. Eli al-Kohen. People who came from Palermo said that Zakkār was sick but then recovered (r33–57). Labrāṭ is delighted to hear that Yehuda has been studying Torah, Mishna, and Talmud with 'the Rav' (r58 and margin). Verso consists mainly of greetings. Labrāṭ is surprised at Yehuda's rebuke for Nissim's failure to send him letters. (Gil identifies this man with Nissim b. Moshe ha-Shelishi.) Nissim hasn't even written to Labrāṭ, who is two hours away from him. "He is dying, and he should write you a letter?" (v11–13). Nissim redeemed a Bible codex which belongs to Labrāṭ and Yehuda, and which had been plundered in one of the wars of Ifrīqiyya. Labrāṭ now wishes to make arrangements to reimburse Nissim and get it back (v13–17, 23–24). Labrāṭ concludes with the bad news of Ifrīqiyya, Sicily, and al-Andalus (v35–40). The price of wheat has skyrocketed this summer; Qayrawān is a ruin; the Bedouins are waging war on each other; people are worried about Sicily this year, for the Franks have attacked with a great army; they ('Franks') have also invaded al-Andalus this year and destroyed many of its villages, killed many people, and imposed taxes on all the areas they conquered. (Information in part from Gil, vol. 4, p. 36; Ben-Sasson, p. 36.) ASE.
Letter from ʿIwaḍ to Peraḥya the judge. In Judaeo-Arabic and Hebrew, with the address in Arabic script and Hebrew. Written on a very long strip of paper, for which the writer asks forgiveness, because time was tight and the matter was urgent. The writer reports that Ibn al-Yamanī rejected the authority of Avraham Maimonides, while he himself vigorously defended the Nagid. The writer gives a blow by blow report of his argument with Ibn al-Yamanī. The writer adds that the ḥaver R. Eliezer was sick (mutamarriḍ) at the time the letter was written (or: at the time he wrote his letter). Eliezer is upset at Peraḥya for failing to respond to his letter or to send him Isaac Israeli's Book on Fevers. (Information in part from S. D. Goitein, The Yemenites, 125–29.) VMR. ASE.
Letter from a woman, unknown location, to her brother Yūsuf b. Makārim the cantor and dyer, in Bilbays. In Judaeo-Arabic with the address in both Judaeo-Arabic and Arabic script. Dating: Likely 15th or 16th century, per Goitein. Contents: The writer is ill, possibly with ophthalmia. She asks for instructions concerning various matters, many having to do with their house. (Information in part from Goitein's index cards and CUDL.) EMS. ASE.
Letter from Avraham b. David b. Sughmār, probably in Alexandria, to his son, David, in Fustat. Dating: ca. 1055 CE. The father rebukes his son for losing money. He mentions several negative events that happened probably in the Maghreb. Also describes how his son lost trading goods as silk. He also complains about his illness (r6). Information from Gil, Kingdom, vol. 4, pp. 1-4, #609. VMR. ASE.
Letter from Hillel to his son Abū l-Ḥasan ʿEli b. Hillel. In Judaeo-Arabic, with the address in Arabic. Dating: probably mid-12th century. Fragment: only the beginning and the address remain.