Geniza Lab

Accounts in Ladino and western Arabic numerals. Dated: 14 Tishrei 556[.], which is the first decade of the 19th century. Small fragment. Mentions a consul.

Letter in Hebrew (peppered with Arabic, Turkish, and Italian), addressed to two unnamed merchants (one the uncle of the writer), written almost certainly in Alexandria in the mid-16th-century. The writer reports on the violent reception of European ships in the port of Alexandria, acts taken in retaliation for the commandeering of an Egyptian merchant ship in Messina (Sicily). "This very morning the Cavus Bashi arrived and boarded the Venetian galleon that arrived from Crete ("Candia"). He took the sailors prisoner with their captain, and is now bringing them to Fustat/Cairo with 30 janissaries from the tower [their barracks in Alexandria?]. If Andrea di Orio had come with his ships, or Cicala the privateer (ha-sholel) with his ship, they would not have treated them thus." The Alexandrian authorities apparently cut the anchors of multiple other European ships and damaged the docks (? האסקאלה = escala, from Italian), causing frenzy and terror among the capains (patrones) to be separated from their ships which are now loose at sea. The writer insists that a Venetian ship coming from Crete and carrying the flag ("banderia") of San Marcos (called עון מארקו = Sin Marcos, to avoid using the word San) does not engage in acts of piracy and should not be treated thus. The reason is that ʿAlī Numayr al-Rashīdī arrived last week with a letter for the governor (sanjak), informing him that his ship had been commandeered in Messina, even after he had received a promise of safe passage (al-amān). The writer strongly suggests that the recipients approach the consul, who should write immediately to Messina and command ʿAli Numayr's ship to be restored, otherwise the Basha will know how to treat these Venetian prisoners, and the situation will be terrible for all further ships arriving from Messina. There are two or three Florentine captains who are now desperate to get out of Alexandria since their business is in Messina. However, the recipients should not repeat exactly what ʿAli Numayr said to the consul or to the other merchants, because he was lying. There was no promise of safe passage at all. Rather, the Muslims accidentally docked somewhere in the territory of Syracuse in the dead of night, thinking they were in al-Mahdiyya (Tunisia). When the bells (ha-campanacci) started ringing in the morning, they realized they were in a Christian port and scrambled to escape. Their ship foundered on some rocks, and they were taken captive by a few small boats from the tower of Syracuse. All this is known because a ship arrived in Alexandria with 20 Messinan prisoners, who recounted that the ship was taken in Syracuse, not Messina. The writer appeals to the recipients to act quickly to solve this problem and to send him word. He has detained two ships that were about to depart from Abu Qir for Crete, until he hears word, because he does not want word of these events to reach Europe and deter the usual trading ships from coming to Alexandria this year. The writer then transitions into business matters, mentioning intelligence he has received in a letter from Messer Giacomo and in a letter to someone named Aran. The addressees are to buy as much pepper as they can, for the ships coming from Livorno and Messina are not expected to have much. Likewise with ginger: the fresh ginger has all been sold in Europe, so the arriving ships are going to want more, but they will only want it fresh—it must not be rotten at all. The writer also mentions spices, flax, and skins. No ships from France are expected this year, but the ships from Livorno and Messina will purchase goods to send them on to France. "I have told you many times that Cassia fistula (khiyār shanbar) is in high demand in all of Europe, but you have not listened." The writer then mentions the addressee's partnership with Moshe b. Shoshan. Walnuts are in high demand in Venice. The writer has been dealing with a merchant from Ragusa (Dubrovnik) who tells him that after these events in Alexandria, even if he were to receive the weight of all his merchandise in gold, he would not come back to Alexandria, and no European merchant will want to come again after this; all those in Alexandria at present are intending to leave. This Ragusan intended to come and live there for 3 years, but he now plans to get out. The writer concludes by urging the addressees to act quickly, and to remember to buy up lots of fresh ginger and flax. Information mostly from Avraham David's edition and notes. ASE.

Accounts in Ladino, Hebrew, and western Arabic numerals. Most of the entries begin with a number in the righthand column, followed by "le devo a X," giving the name of the person to whom money is owed. Some of the entries begin with a date (e.g., היום 29 שבט). Mentions Mikhaʾel ha-Kohen (l. 9) and the Neapolitan consul (l. 11) and Yaʿaqov b. Shem Ṭov Cuerca(?) (l. 16). CUL Or.1081 2.75.9–11 may be pieces of the same document.

Letterbook in Judaeo-Arabic (fragment) likely eighteenth- or nineteenth-century that contains drafts and possibly copies of business-related correspondence. The letters frequently use the phrase "יא אכי/ O my brother" which implies the possibility that this was business correspondence between brothers (l. 1v, 6v, 14v, 7-8r, 12r). On the recto, the same letter is practiced five times and discusses maritime trade in Beiruti silk where the coinage is silver reales. The spelling shifts between the instances of "אל רייס מחמד" and "אל ריס מחמד" (l. 5-6r, 11r, etc.) yet it seems possible that this could be referencing "the captain Muḥammed" of the maritime vessel "מרכב" mentioned in each draft (l. 2r, 8r, etc.). In the closing of each draft the phrase "נרסלהם לכם צוחבתו ושלום" appears which is drawing on the Ottoman Turkish "ṣohbet" or "friendly conversation" (l. 6r, 11r, etc.). On the verso, there is more evidence of drafting with the repeated phrase "בית אל קונסול וטאלבהם" (l. 3v, 8v, etc.) but the epistolary passages vary in length and content ("בית אל קונסול" is likely a reference to European consuls in the Ottoman empire). Date: 18th c or 19th c. MCD.

Accounts in Judaeo-Arabic with Hebrew anphanumerical figures as well as western Arabic numerals. The headings for each entry on the verso begin with the specific days of the week and in the first two the word "קונסול / consol" appears. This is possibly a reference to a European consular official, of which there were many serving in the Ottoman province of Egypt by the eighteenth century. MCD.

Accounts in Judaeo-Arabic. Mentioning 'the consul.' Currency: ashrafī. There is also a list of the months of the Franks along with how many days are in each. It is unclear which European language these correspond to, but perhaps it is Italian ("ottobrio" as given here seems to be an archaic form of "ottobre").

Account register, in Judaeo-Arabic. There are 9 bifolia, very well preserved. Currencies used include ashrafī and fils. Some people are titled khwaja. The European names of the months are used. Dating: Perhaps 1617 CE (Arad's suggestion). It appears that the anonymous author was an agent for one of the European consuls, probably in Alexandria. There are itemized lists of expenditures, often for foodstuffs, along with many names and some short narrative passages. There is a list of the haftarot. There is also a unique Turkish-Judaeo-Arabic glossary on fol. 4. See the article by Dotan Arad for a detailed discussion of this shelfmark. NB: The first folio is a medieval letter in Judaeo-Arabic, unrelated to the notebook.

Fragment of a late legal document in Hebrew detailing financial transactions. Mentions 181 peraḥim that were detained with the consul; a certain Hayyim; a total sum of 971 peraḥim; and Sunday, the 29th of Kislev of the previous year.

Letter from Mordechai b. Yizhaq Shraga Feivish, perhaps in Rafah, to R. Yom Tov the Av Beit Din of Cairo, probably Yom Tov Israel Cherezli who served as chief rabbi in Cairo from 1866–84. Written in Hebrew. He writes to inform the rabbinic authorities that the bill of divorce he gave his wife is illegitimate, because he was under duress by wicked people. He expands on the wickedness of the locals and how "underneath justice (mishpat) there is perversion of justice (mispaḥ), and underneath righteousness (ẓedaqa) there are screams (ẓeʿaqa)." Mordechai's wife, Royze bt. Hayyim Yizhaq, "screamed" at him day and night and said that if he refused her a get she would prostitute herself. Thus he was forced to give her a get. He came up with the trick (perhaps she was illiterate) to give her a get under a bogus name, and here in this letter he gives his true name (twice) to R. Yom Tov. He then pleads with R. Yom Tov ("I scream because such evil should be done in Israel") to side with him and presumably to declare the divorce null. He adds a postscript, "The true ketubba that I gave her on the wedding day is entrusted with the Consul in Port Said." ASE.

Accounts in Judaeo-Arabic (and perhaps elements of other languages). Dating: Late, probably no earlier than 16th century. Many of the commodities mentioned are spices or materia medica (e.g., pepper, frankincense, nutmeg, cinnamon, ginger, chebulic (myrobalan)). Mentions various people with Muslim names (e.g., Badr al-Dīn, al-Ḥājj Yūnus) and others with European names (e.g., Dominguez, Carlo מארי בירו(?), and a consul).

Late Hebrew letter mentioning the consul of Venice.

Letter fragment. In Judaeo-Arabic. Dating: Late. Mentions a consul; France (פראנסה); R. Yaʿaqov; and the government (sulṭān).